Friday, December 15, 2006

Eritrean journalist Semret Seyoum’s Personal Testimony



13 December

Semret Seyoum’sPersonal Testimony


at the East and Horn of Africa Journalists’ conference


held atEntebbe, Uganda


from 27/11/06 to 29/11/06





Dear fellow journalists and invited guests,


I would like to thank the East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project and organisations that helped in funding this conference for providing me the opportunity to share a personal testimony with you.


Eritrea has a long history. This is probably not the time to go there. It is more convenient to focus on what happened in September 2001 – 10 days after September 11 or better known as 9/11 – and thereafter.


From my point of view and in relation to private press in Eritrea, the following is what happened in September 2001.


The closing down of 8 independent newspapers and the imprisonment of at least 16 journalists was the final act that strangled the hopeful aspirations for a better Eritrea. It marked the day Eritrean voices were silenced. September 2001 is perceived as the Black September in Eritrea now.


My own personal experience in this tragedy began when I joined the Eritrean liberation struggle in 1978. I was under-age then. After 13 years of service, I was one among those who happened to see the political independence of my country.


To this day, I have yet to see the freedom I was led to believe I would have – in a free and sovereign Eritrea.The first few years of post-independence period looked very promising and I looked forward to my higher education dream at the University of Asmara.After I completed my first year, the Government of Eritrea ordered all ex-fighters who were studying at the University to give up their studies and go back to their respective ministries or units.


There was no explanation.


I felt betrayed by the very leadership we trusted and helped to put in power. To be denied education by a liberation movement that prided itself for championing and providing education to its members and the public was beyond my comprehension.


That was a time in my life when I was attracted by the idea and ambition of setting up a private and independent newspaper. Those who were at the receiving end were unable to discuss or put up any tangible opposition. Had there been private papers at the time, government officials would not have dared take such a discriminatory and unjustifiable action. I still believe it is the case.


In 1996, we were given the permission to be demobilised.


After 4 wasted years, I resumed my university education in 1996.


That was the year we, two friends and myself, managed to set up the first private newspaper in independent Eritrea in accordance to Eritrean Press Law of 10th June 1996.


We called the paper ‘Setit’.


It was put on the market for the first time on the 21st of August 1997.


It was not always a smooth ride.


In the four years, till its final closure in 2001, there were many hostile blocks that tested its resolve. Seven other journalists and myself were arrested and detained for one week in October of 2000 without charge.At the time of our imprisonment, a group of educated Eritreans who later came to be known as group 13 or G-13 sent a document to the President of Eritrea. It was posted on the net. It expressed their disquiet and the concerns they had on what was going on in Eritrea.The rounding up of independent journalists was basically to prevent us from making the content of their letter accessible to the public. There was no doubt about it. Government authorities were trying to send a message of terror and warning. They were worried about the popularity of the private newspapers. Had it not been for the world community and international media campaign, the life of the private papers would have ended in October of 2000.The turbulence, dissatisfaction and disenchantment that began to rumble in October 2000 reached a boiling point in May of 2001. For the first time, high-ranking government officials and ministers, later to be known as Group 15 or G-15, were prepared to air their views and question the President of Eritrea.
As a private media, we felt it was our duty to present the public their side of the story.
In the days and weeks that followed, we interviewed some of the group members and we urged the government and the opponents to show the same commitment and responsibility to resolve their differences on a round table.
This continued for almost four months. Finally, the darkest day in the history of the young nation arrived. It was the day when its democratic and constitutional future was diverted from its natural course.
Our paper was already published on the Tuesday of the 18th of September 2001 when the group 15 members were arrested and all the private papers were closed.
A week later government security forces arrested most of the journalists of the private papers. Aaron who is hear today with us and myself went in hiding. After three months, on 6th of January 2002, we set a foot on a long journey of exile.
Our destination was to go to Sudan.We were not that far from crossing the border when we suddenly realised that we were in the vicinity of an Eritrean patrol unit. They started to shoot in our direction without waiting for our reply.
The distance between the trigger-happy guards and ourselves was so tight that we only had split seconds to react. We run in opposite directions and they chose to go for me. There were four guards and they shouted at me to stop. There was nothing I could do. I had nowhere to run or hide. I just gave myself up.


They asked me whether I had a weapon of any kind. I said “No!” They grabbed me and ordered me to take off my shoes. They then frisked me and took all the money and other things I had. They started their mindless beating. On that day, it all rained on me with kicks, punches, head-butting and all the rest. Barefoot and hands tied behind my back, they took me to a place called Girmayka on foot. There, they tied my feet and hands together until they touched my back and was thrown on bare ground under night stars with no protection from desert cold. I spent the night in extreme chill. At dawn, I was taken to an underground dungeon and was locked up with my hands still tied behind with a guard outside. Late in the evening, they took me to a notorious underground prison called Haddish Me’asker. Once there, the piece of rope that tied my hands was replaced by a proper shackle. Thereafter, the verbal abuse and incessant threats on my life became an endless daily intake.


I went through dreadful interrogations for a long time. They wanted to know how we started out as a private paper. Who was behind the initiative?Who we met when we started?All questions were punctuated by threats to my life. They were intended to imply that there was a foreign hand behind all private papers and that all the journalists were collaborators. I was locked in solitary confinement in a cell the size of a single bed for months. The room was always dark.My hand shackled behind my back and always bare-foot. When I am let out of my cell to use the toilet or to have something to eat, I was not allowed to get close to other prisoners. But those were the only moments my hands were unshackled and I see he light of the day. The food was watery lentil with a piece of bread. Given the prevalence of many contagious diseases like diarrhoea among the prisoners, the medical facility was negligible.


In Eritrea, prisoners do not have access to legal representation.They are not brought to a court of law.I didn’t expect that my case would be handled any different. No prisoner was allowed to write or receive a letter or send one to friends or loved ones. Paper and pen were strictly prohibited and there would be dire consequences for any prisoner if found with any.


No reading and no visits either. One is left with ones thoughts in the dark.


After 8 months in ‘Haddish-Me’asker’ prison, I was taken with one hundred others on a truck and transferred to another underground prison located on the western outskirts of the capital Asmara. It’s still known as Track – B.


The prison was a temporary stop from one prison to another.


They kept me there for 4 months and on the 9th January 2003, I was ordered to collect my belongings and was taken to `Discipline Control Office’. There, I was told that my punishment is over and was sent home.


Soon after my release, I was forcibly conscripted in the Eritrean Defence Force with no salary and no specific task to perform. I repeatedly requested the responsible government departments for my salary and be transferred to the Ministry of Justice – a work place compatible to my qualification.


I was a Law graduate from the University of Asmara.


It didn’t work. It was unrealistic. I knew I was still closely watched and followed by security officers.


I tried my best not to give them an excuse. I limited my movements and interactions with others, but I never stopped thinking of leaving the country for the second time round whatever the consequences.


I was just bidding my time until an opportunity presented itself.At the end of September 2004, I crossed the border and entered Sudan. Although it was not safe for me to stay in Sudan for a long time, I was able to breathe fresh air of freedom. From then on I was never alone.


Within a year and before I left for Sweden at the end of 2005 through the UNHCR resettlement program, I received a lot of support from Elsa Chyrum the Eritrean Human Rights Activist, Amnesty International, English PEN and lots of other friends.


Ever since I left prison and after months of solitary confinement, I suffer from traumatic nightmares. Images of torture and abuse at Haddish Me’asker are still vivid.


I sometimes feel like I am still in that god-forsaken prison. When I wake up, I realise I am no longer there and breath air of relief and gratitude.Having gone through all these, it is not difficult to imagine what the 16 imprisoned journalists in Eritrea are going through.


I admire fellow journalists in the Horn and East Africa and around the world. Your determination and bravery to raise public awareness in the face of repression despite the risks involved in carrying out your duties say more than you can imagine.


Thank you


Semret Seyoum


Entebee, Uganda


28 November 2006

Tuesday, December 12, 2006

Eritrean journalist Ahmed Omer Sheikh released


The famous Arabic language journalist and poet Ahmed Omer Sheikh is released from jail on Saturday Dec 9 2006 after being kept in prison for a week.


Ahmed was released with out being told why he was arrested and he is the second journalist to be released after Simon Zewdie, who was released two weeks ago.

To read the news in arabic please refer http://www.adoulis.com/details.php?rsnType=1&id=974

Eritrean government: running out of propaganda tricks

By Gemeda Humnasa
December 11, 2006

The Eritrean government has been using a lot of propaganda and supporting various rebels in an attempt to destabilize East Africa. For the sake of peace and democracy for Ethiopians, Somalis, Sudanese and Eritreans; the government might be running out of its tricks.
We know how corrupt both the Eritrean and Ethiopian governments were when they got their share of the cake in the early 1990’s. Words around Ethiopia indicated that the leaders of these two countries, Isaias Afewerki and Meles Zenawi, were even in the gambling business and wasting a lot of their government’s money. This might be just a gossip but their dispute with money has been seen as the original reason of their animosity, instead of the border issue with Badme. No matter what happened before, we must focus on what is the reality today.
Currently, in an attempt to increase nationalism mood in Eritrea and to provoke Ethiopia one more time; the Eritrean government is sparking another war in southern Somalia. It is yet another war started by the young government of Eritrea which was ironically originally supported by the Ethiopian government. Anyway no one can deny that the Somalia Transitional government is weak but that is more the fault of the United Nation’s lack of support to the T.F.G. to get on its foot two years ago. When Kofi Annan gave his last address on Monday, Africans were hoping that he would accept his failure to assist the Somalia transitional government. The reality is the Union of Islamic Courts is threatening to take around 1/5th of Ethiopian land and around 1/4th of Kenyan land. And no one is putting this information in anyone’s mouth. This was publicly stated by the UIC and the jihadists many times. Eritrea claiming to help the radical Islamists to stabilize Somalia is a humorous claim that doesn’t appear funny to those serious about creating peace and democracy in Somalia, Kenya and Ethiopia.
Everybody knows Eritrea doesn’t have any independent or private media. But the world is not stressing this issue just for the sake of calling it “private.” We are stressing it because when a country has a private media, its dirt and mistakes would become public just like the dirt and mistakes of the Ethiopian government and then improvements can be made. Even more, when private media exists, most likely multi-party system will also exist and the chances of a one-party government supporting jihadists and Al-Qaeda members gets lower. Now we are not talking about chance anymore because the Eritrean government has already started supporting the terrorists and the secessionists. If an inside opposition party challenged the Eritrean government, this would have never happened. If we had all these things in Eritrea, we would have known how bad & often religious citizens are being persecuted. We would have known if there are hundreds more or thousands more that are being tortured and killed. Most of the time, we don’t know how bad things get until the persecuted leave the country secretly, some how, and reach the Ethiopian, Sudanese and other borders. The country is so closed that the whole country appears like a prison. As the result, the lone media that comes out of the nation is not about how different economic and other policies should be done in the country. It is usually propaganda news about countries that the government hates. Which are of course Ethiopia and Western nations. So it is common to hear about Eritrean news agencies talking dirt about Ethiopia, Israel, America and Great Briton. These Eritrean news sources might as well change their names to the regions they cover instead of calling themselves “Eritrean.” People might have to wait a whole year before they can hear about any Eritrean reporter discussing how to challenge the policies of the Eritrean government. For example you will never see an opposition party itself, let alone the opposition party like Ethiopia’s CUDP members shouting and criticizing the Prime Minister of Ethiopia. Most Ethiopians wonder when will they see such democratic change in Eritrea, not because they hate Eritreans, but only because they know that in order to live peacefully as neighbors we can not have a dictatorship unchallenged and the atrocities it commits concealed from the whole wide world. If this keeps going we will see the Eritrean government bombing more Ethiopian schools and financing more terrorist groups for many more decades. Ethiopia itself is not completely open, but it is a galaxy away compared to Eritrea. It is safe to say that those of us living in America will continue to see press conferences, parliament meetings, opposition member discussions and almost everything that is going on in Ethiopia.


If we want peace in East Africa, Eritrea will have to start to open up a little and stop attacking Ethiopians. When the Eritrean government laughably told the United Nations not to send foreign peacekeepers inside Somalia, the world was wondering what to call the thousands of Eritreans already training with the jihadists. Eritrean jihadists? Eritrean-jihadist-Somalis? Such hypocrisy by the Eritrean government would have never been tolerated by the Eritrean people if they were free. Last week, when we saw hundreds of Eritreans protesting in London against the Eritrean government, we did not see their political representation. We did not see their propaganda or political affiliation. What we saw was pure thirst for freedom in Eritrea.
Now the mess the Eritrean government has created in Somalia has to be cleaned out by the blood of thousands of people. Hopefully, when the war is over, Somalia would have a leadership that will be friendly with its neighbors. But not just Somalia, the secessionist rebels like OLF would have never been in such a position if they were not supported by the Eritrean government. OLF was dying. Kenya was also kicking it out. And Ethiopian Oromos were ignoring it and telling it to reform. What OLF did not understand was that the spirit of OLF for justice, freedom and equality will never die. The progressive spirit of Oromo Liberation Front will and should never die. No matter how small in number the fighters of OLF are, the membership of the progressive OLF will always be more than 25 million Ethiopians. But the membership of the backward OLF is getting smaller and smaller everyday. What OLF failed to see was that the struggle has been reformed. It has changed from armed to a peaceful struggle. The leadership of OLF failed to see that Oromos are developing and improving Oromia while peacefully dealing with discrimination. At this time, Oromos are not being persecuted for being Oromos. They are being persecuted for following the destructive & backward policies of OLF which are in fact backward enough to destabilize the whole of Ethiopia. At this time, Ethiopians do not see the current, unreformed OLF as standing for a better Ethiopia anymore. OLF now looks more like an Oromia supremacy organization. It was up to OLF to catch up with the reformation. But so far it has failed. Most importantly, compromising outlooks and reformations are usually fueled by desperation. When OLF started to lose members, its growing desperation was about to end the misery of all Ethiopians and we were going in the right direction. But all of the sudden, the Eritrean government came to the picture and by giving military aid to OLF rebels; it came to “the rescue” of the dying, backward OLF while blocking the progressive OLF.
If we want peace in East Africa, proxy wars & battles have to stop. The Ethiopian government must stop arming the Eritrean Islamists and the Eritrean government must stop arming Oromo Liberation Front, Ogaden National Liberation Front, UIC and many more alongside Libya. The Eritrean government should see that if it attempts to destabilize others, the nations around it are financially able to destabilize Eritrea back anytime they want. Particularly they are able to withstand such attempt by Eritrea because they are bigger and capable. Also, the trick Shabea uses when it says “the minority regime in Ethiopia” are an old, overused and useless method of propaganda. When Ethiopians see an article on any Internet news website and if the article’s heading starts with “minority regime,” they automatically know it is an Eritrean government’s propaganda article. It is the propaganda it has been using to fuel secessionist groups like OLF and ONLF. While the fact a minority is represented in the highest part of government should be the pride of Ethiopia, according to the Eritrean government it should be condemned. This is a sign of backwardness. When minorities like Ethiopian Afar, Gurage, Somali and Hadiyas hold high positions in Ethiopian government; this should applauded and be a sign of progress not a sign of minority regression or illegitimacy.
Various propaganda techniques used by the Eritrean government are overused and mostly comical than practical. It has randomly tried to accuse the Ethiopian government of killings. It has exploited ethnic conflicts in Ethiopia by saying they are some kind of genocide. It has tried everything in the textbook. Now it is trying to justify supporting terrorists. Instead of finding ways to provoke its neighbors and spread propaganda, it would have been helpful both for Ethiopians and Eritreans if the Eritrean government improved its country’s economy instead. When Eritreans are living in peace and when their country develops, Ethiopians will also live in peace and their country will prosper. Most of all, Eritrea would not have been forced to use millions of dollars for its military because it feels insecure. A country that has very limited fertile land and natural resources can not afford to waste so much money on military. What the Eritrean government does not know is that Eritreans will gain two things at the same time if their economy grows and their government stops provoking other nations. Because if this happens, its neighbors would also not find it necessary to stop and take over a mischievous Eritrea. The craving of opposition parties in Ethiopia to take back Eritrea would have been changed if Eritrea was not destabilizing the horn of Africa.
Maybe the last of the Eritrean government's tricks were drained out too late because, now, everyone is visiting Mogadishu and it is not to take a vacation. It is not to shop at the beautiful Bakara Market in Mogadishu. And anymore propaganda and tricks from the Eritrean government are only a burial insult to its remaining (if any) intelligence.

Sunday, December 10, 2006

Eritrean authorities arrests Journalist Ahmed Omar Sheikh

The Eritrean authorities has arrested, last Monday, the known Eritrean journalist and broadcaster Ahmed Omar Sheikh and took him to an unknown destination, according to sources close to him. ECMS could not confirm the status of the news from a neutral source. However, informed sources did not rule out that for the fact that a large number of journalists working in the official media had been arrested in the last few weeks without giving any clear justification for that.






Ahmed Omer Sheikh

It is noteworthy that colleague Ahmed Omar Sheikh, had been working as editor and broadcaster in the Eritrean television and radio since 1993, and he published a number of literary publications in the field of poetry and novel.

The Eritrean Information Minister Ali Abdou has denied the arrest of journalists indicating that it was routine investigation. However, Reporters without Borders organization challenged the minister of having listed the names of those detained in unknown places and one of whom was released.

Friday, December 08, 2006

KAMPALA: JOURNALISTS DECRY HARASSMENT AND ABUSES, COMMIT TO DEFENDING HUMAN RIGHTS

EAST AND HORN OF AFRICA HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS NETWORK
Press Statement

EHAHRDN Index: UGA 035/008/2006 (Public)

29th November 2006

A three day sub-regional Journalists’ Conference concluded today at the Windsor Lake Victoria Hotel in Entebbe, Uganda, with a call from journalists to their governments in the sub region to respect and uphold media freedom.
The Conference attracted 40 men and women journalists from Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Somaliland, Sudan including South Sudan, Tanzania and Uganda. It was organized by the East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project (EHAHRDP) and provided training and discussions about human rights reporting, and supporting each other as human rights defenders. It was facilitated by Amnesty International, Article 19, Frontline, Peace Brigade International, and the Human Rights House Foundation Network, among others.Journalists shared experiences and ideas on a wide range of human rights and security issues not only affecting them as individuals, but also the profession. They included among others: torture, threats to their lives, self censorship, laws aimed at restricting and deterring journalists’ work, detention, unfair trials and confiscation of publications.
Whereas the journalists commended the relative press freedom in Uganda, Tanzania and Somaliland, the situation of the press described in other countries was of great concern.
Eritrea has kept over 16 journalists behind bars since 2001, when the entire private press was banned, and nine more state-media journalists were very recently detained and held without charge. Ethiopia also has 16 journalists on trial on false charges of instigating violence, which could carry the death penalty. Dozens of Somali journalists have been arrested in the past two years, but all were freed after vigorous campaigning by local and international media groups.
At the end of the conference, participants committed themselves to increase their reporting on human rights issues and human rights violations, and to support and protect fellow men and women journalists in their defense of human rights.
They called upon the governments and authorities of East and Horn of Africa sub-region to respect and protect freedom of the press. The final conference resolution included the following:
• Express support for women journalists facing gender discrimination and encourage reporting on women’s rights issues
• Demand that the governments in the sub region release all detained journalists and end unlawful acts against freedom of press by law enforcement bodies.
• Request reform of all laws, which curtail freedom of opinion, information and the media.
• Appeal to the Eritrean government to accept a delegation of journalists from the sub-region to visit detained journalists “disappeared” for five years.
• Call upon the UN Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression and the African Union Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression to conduct a fact-finding mission in Ethiopia and Eritrea; and to propose concrete actions against governments that decline to cooperate or decline to implement the international and regional instruments on freedom of expression which they have ratified, including the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights.
• Urge the international community and donors to support journalists and their associations and unions in the sub-region, and to strongly advocate for their media rights and freedoms, and civil rights and liberties.
• Appeal to the UN, African Union (AU), League of Arab States (LAS) and Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) to restrain governments and authorities in the sub-region from their growing acts of intolerance of freedom of expression.For further information, please contact:
Tumusiime Kabwende DeoPress Officer
Mobile: +256-712-075721
Regional Coordination Office
EAST AND HORN OF AFRICA HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS PROJECT (EHAHRDP) Human Rights House, Plot 1853, Lulume Rd., Nsambya P.O. Box 11027 Kampala, Uganda Phone: +256-41-510263(general)/ext.112 +256-41-267118(direct) Fax: +256-41-267117 E-mail: ehahrdp@yahoo.ca, hshire@yorku.ca

pride coming before fall

http://zete9.asmarino.com/index.php?itemid=711

CPJ: Keeping the spotlight on Eritrea's jailed journalists

Written by Alexis Arieff
Wednesday, 04 October 2006
Slipping from Sight

Their jailed colleagues vanishing in secret prisons, exiled Eritrean Journalists seek to bring attention.

By Alexis Arieff

Khaled Abdu, once the top editor of Admas, a private weekly in Eritrea, fled his homeland in 2000 after getting a series of threats from government agents. He was one of the lucky ones, as it turned out. In a massive crackdown in September 2001, the government rounded up and jailed many of Eritrea’s most prominent journalists and closed down all of the country’s private news outlets.


The fate of those jailed journalists has become ever more precarious as this nation along the Red Sea has grown increasingly isolated. Abdu and several colleagues, believing they might be the best way to draw international attention to their imprisoned colleagues, have launched an association of journalists in exile to report on the cases.At least 13 journalists are behind bars in Eritrea, with two more enduring prolonged forced labor euphemistically called “national service.” These grim statistics have made Eritrea one of the world’s five biggest jailers of journalists for five consecutive years, according to CPJ research. The imprisoned journalists have not been formally charged. Eritrean authorities have refused to discuss their whereabouts, the conditions of their imprisonment, or the precise nature of the allegations against them.In a CPJ interview, presidential spokesman Yemane Gebremeskel denied that the journalists were imprisoned because of what they wrote, saying only that they “were involved in acts against the national interest of the state.” He said “the substance of the case is clear to everybody” but declined to detail any supporting evidence.“We feel like they are being forgotten,” said Abdu, whose Admas colleague, Said Abdelkader, is among those imprisoned. “Unless we address what happened, the outside world cannot do more.”either the Red Cross nor family members are allowed to visit the jailed reporters, making it difficult to determine the journalists’ health and, in some cases, whether they are alive. What little information can be gleaned trickles out through members of the exile community. In 2002, for example, several journalists who escaped the country alerted CPJ that nine imprisoned journalists had been moved from police cells in the capital, Asmara, to secret detention facilities after they attempted a hunger strike.The newly inaugurated Association of Eritrean Journalists in Exile (AEJE) plans to disseminate information about the jailed journalists and other media-related issues affecting Eritrea. The association has launched a Web site, www.aeje.org, and its members stay connected through an e-mail listserv.“We want to advocate for our colleagues who are in jail,” said Aaron Berhane, a founding editor of a banned private newspaper, Setit, who now lives in Toronto.

“We want to record their history, the work that they have done, to bring their issue to the public.” Two of Berhane’s former co-workers are among those behind bars, including Fesshaye “Joshua” Yohannes, a 2002 recipient of CPJ’s International Press Freedom Award. Berhane escaped prison by going into hiding, then fleeing to Sudan.

Several exiled journalists told CPJ that they struggle with a sense of survivor’s guilt that they made it out of Eritrea, while others did not. They left behind not only those who were arrested, but also family members and friends who struggle with the daily hardship of living in one of the world’s poorest and most repressive countries.“Our major task is to address the human rights violations in Eritrea ... and to prepare ourselves for Eritrea to have a free and independent media,” Abdu said. AEJE’s two dozen members live around the world, primarily in Canada, the United States, and, like Abdu, in Sweden. They receive information from covert networks that include friendly government employees and security agents. AEJE’s membership counts former journalists from private newspapers, former state media employees, and diaspora Eritreans who have become involved in media in their adopted countries.ritrea gained full independence from Ethiopia in 1993, after Eritrean and Ethiopian guerrilla fighters overthrew a ruthless military regime that had ruled over both territories. Journalism enjoyed a brief heyday in the ensuing years. The nation’s first private newspapers were started in Asmara amid widespread optimism over the country’s future. “We never dreamt of going out of Eritrea,” recalled Abdu, who helped found Admas during that time.While initially supportive of the revolutionary government, Eritrea’s young journalists soon began to question increasingly autocratic government policies and to press for democratic reform. A backlash followed. Neil Skene, an American journalist who led U.S. State Department-backed training seminars for journalists in Asmara between 1999 and 2001, said a turning point came in 2000, when security forces briefly arrested several journalists, releasing them with warnings to tread carefully. “You could see the demise of democracy,” he told CPJ. “These guys without any history of democracy, suddenly they don’t have any idea how to handle dissent.”On September 18, 2001, with world attention focused on the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, the Eritrean government banned the private press for allegedly threatening state security and “jeopardizing national unity.” About a dozen independent journalists were rounded up by security forces, and, with the press out of business, the government canceled a general election. Hundreds of purported government opponents have since been jailed without due process.The irony of Eritrea’s bleak situation is that international media coverage has decreased as the political and humanitarian situation has worsened. While information flows more quickly and freely in much of Africa today, Eritrea has gone the other direction. It has expelled international aid organizations, United Nations-backed monitors, and a foreign journalist who worked for Reuters and the BBC.o succeed, the AEJE must overcome fear and division that have kept many members of the diaspora from criticizing the government. Tesfaldet A. Meharenna, an Eritrean living in the United States who founded the popular Web site Asmarino, said it has not been easy to mobilize an outcry on human rights issues, partly because some exiled Eritreans fear that family members back home could be targeted. “The government works hard to play on that fear,” he told CPJ.Others keep quiet out of pride and a sense of solidarity. There is “a kind of shared belief on the part of many that they’re a little country under siege from a hostile world, and they can never say anything that’s going to make it look bad,” said Dan Connell, a U.S. journalist who has written several books on Eritrea.The AEJE’s mission is made more difficult, too, by President Isaias Afewerki’s legendary capriciousness and disdain for international opinion. One heartrending scenario unfolded in November 2005, when the government briefly released Dawit Isaac of Setit, only to re-arrest him two days later, after he phoned his wife to tell her he’d been freed. Isaac holds dual Eritrean and Swedish citizenship, and his brief release came after behind-the-scenes lobbying by the Swedish government. Some observers speculated that Isaac’s re-arrest stemmed from the attention given his release.“We should have all kept quiet,” Meharenna said ruefully. Then, seeming to correct himself, he added: “See, that’s what they want you to do.”The AEJE’s struggle is, in many ways, a battle against hopelessness. Abdu said he understands the fear and conflicted sentiments among the exiled community. “But we must go beyond that,” he said. “We have to feel like every Eritrean is our family.”
Alexis Arieff is a freelance writer and former senior research associate for CPJ’s Africa program.

Source: : http://www.cpj.org/Briefings/2006/DA_fall_06/prisoner/eritrea.html
Also posted: http://asmarino.com
Discussion Available At http://zete9.asmarino.com/index.php?itemid=643

As Eritrea suffers, the world looks away

Written by Neil Skene
Wednesday, 02 February 2005
St Petersburg, Jan 30, 2005 (St Petersburg Times) - Matthewos sensed the danger. When last I saw him, in April 2001, he handed me his photograph. "Just in case," he said.
I dismissed the concern. It was a cheery spring day in Asmara, the capital of Eritrea. Matthewos Habteab was the editor of Meqaleh, one of nearly a dozen newspapers that had sprung up over the previous four years. The young country had passed a constitution and elected as president the guerrilla hero who had won Eritrea’s independence from Ethiopia.St Petersburg, Jan 30, 2005 (St Petersburg Times) - Matthewos sensed the danger. When last I saw him, in April 2001, he handed me his photograph. "Just in case," he said.
I dismissed the concern. It was a cheery spring day in Asmara, the capital of Eritrea. Matthewos Habteab was the editor of Meqaleh, one of nearly a dozen newspapers that had sprung up over the previous four years. The young country had passed a constitution and elected as president the guerrilla hero who had won Eritrea’s independence from Ethiopia. Even U.S. first lady Hillary Clinton had come to visit. The people, including the journalists, were loyal and hopeful when I first visited in October 1999.
But the promising future didn’t happen.
Today Matthewos and 13 other journalists are in their fourth year in prison somewhere in Eritrea - the location undisclosed, charges unfiled, hearings unheld, families unwelcome. The journalists were rounded up and their papers shut down on Sept. 18, 2001, just a week after the 9/11 attacks in the United States. The warrior-president, Isaias Afewerki, embraced tyranny while the world was looking elsewhere.
The arrests of others followed within weeks: 11 prominent Eritreans who had drafted a protest of the government’s failure to implement the country’s constitution; two Eritreans employed by the U.S. Embassy; and about 200 Christians, many of them members of Jehovah’s Witnesses, in a crackdown on those practicing outside the four sanctioned faiths. Some of the Christians arrested "reportedly have been subjected to severe torture and pressured to renounce their faith," says John Hanford, U.S. ambassador for international religious freedom. They’re all still in prison.
"It is not only the arrest of 14 (journalists). It is the complete arrest of public expression and ideas," says Haileab Kidane, a founder of the newspaper Admas, who left the country in time and now lives in Pretoria, South Africa.
So why don’t we do anything? Because President Isaias plays to U.S. priorities. Eritrea is important "to stem the presence and influence of terrorism in the Horn of Africa," says the State Department.
The department has issued a grand total of one news release specifically about Eritrea in the last three years. It said this: "Eritrea is committed to fighting global terrorism, and it has been a solid partner with the United States in that battle in the past. Eritrea was one of the first nations to sign on as part of the Coalition of the Willing (in Iraq)."
While our government says it has warned Eritrea of possible cuts in U.S. aid because of the oppression, nothing has happened.
So tyranny and brutality in out-of-the-way places are as ignored today as the genocide in Rwanda was so famously ignored by the Clinton administration a decade ago.
The film Hotel Rwanda, now in theaters, tells the story of a gentle manager of an elegant hotel whose courage saved hundreds of Tutsis from massacre by Hutus in Rwanda. But individual acts of courage happen all over Africa. Visit the now-empty political prison off the coast of Cape Town in South Africa where Nelson Mandela was in prison. It was filled with people, many of them just unheralded foot soldiers in the struggle against apartheid. In all directions from Rwanda - from South Africa to Liberia, from Sudan to the Ivory Coast - everywhere are stories of individuals who risked their lives for the cause of freedom.
But America remains on the periphery.
Even today in Sudan’s genocide, American aid consists of supplies and peace talks. No American is standing guard on behalf of those under attack, the role that the heroic Rwandan hotel manager, Paul Rusesabagina, so desperately and unsuccessfully sought from the U.N. commander in Rwanda. It is startling, in the Rwanda film, that the one person outside Rwanda who seems to care enough to do something is the president of Belgium’s Sabena Airlines, who uses his influence to get the French to stop the machete assault on the people at Sabena’s Hotel Mille Collines.
As for Eritrea, thousands are trying to leave every day, Haileab tells me in an e-mail. But not every country welcomes them. Despite a plea from the U.N. Human Rights Commission that countries not deport Eritreans even if asylum is denied, Libya put 76 Eritrean exiles on a cargo plane home last August. Desperate, the Eritreans used knives to hijack the plane - to Sudan, of all places, where they turned themselves over to authorities and sought asylum. Sudan, according to Amnesty International, has already tried and convicted 15 of them and sentenced them to five years in prison, followed by deportation.
Press freedom organizations have appealed unsuccessfully for the journalists’ release. The ejection of a BBC and Reuters correspondent three months ago prompted the activist group Reporters Without Borders in Paris to brand Eritrea "Africa’s biggest prison for journalists."
On Dec. 7, the World Association of Newspapers and the World Editors Forum in Paris sought the release of Dawit Isaac, who returned to Eritrea from Sweden in 1996 to establish the Setit newspaper. Setit may have inspired the crackdown with its call for democracy in the fall of 2000.
The Eritrean journalists came from other jobs to start their newspapers in the late 1990s. They had little experience but a lot of enthusiasm. Many of them came to a series of seminars I taught in Asmara starting in 1999 on the basics of journalism: finding story ideas, interviewing, writing well and developing critical editorials.
On a Friday night at the end of the first session, four of the editors took me to dinner. They chose their favorite spicy national dishes, such as lamb, and we drank and laughed and told stories.
Matthewos was one of them. Another was Yousef Mohamed Ali, once a fighter for Eritrean freedom and later chief editor of Tsigenay, who was part of a roundup of eight journalists in October 2000. Yousef was tortured, but he returned to his newspaper and was in my last seminar in April 2001. He is in prison with the others now.
Two others who were at that dinner escaped before the 2001 roundup.
One, Milkias Mihretab, editor of Keste Debena, had also been detained in that first roundup. This time he escaped through Sudan, made his way to the United States, gained asylum and started a paper in Tigrinya, the native language.
Khaled Abdu, editor of Admas, also escaped and is in Sweden, still seeking asylum. He and Aaron Berhane of Setit, another seminar participant who escaped, have received Hellman/Hammitt awards from Human Rights Watch, given to persecuted writers around the world.
Others from my seminars are among those in prison: Amanuel Asrat, chief editor of Zemen; Temesgen Gebreyesus of Keste Debena; Said Abdulkadir of Admas; Semret Seyum of Setit; and Dawit Habtemichael of Meqaleh.
Matthewos was not the only one who had sensed danger. But the journalists kept doing their work. They sacrificed their own freedom in a desire to tell the truth and make their country a real democracy. The rest of the world has barely noticed.
Neil Skene, a lawyer and writer living in Tallahassee and former editor of Congressional Quarterly in Washington, taught journalism programs in Eritrea on three trips from 1999-2001 on grants from the U.S. State Department. He taught similar programs in Swaziland and South Africa last year.

Tuesday, November 14, 2006

Report says three journalists died in prison camp in northeastern desert

Report says three journalists died in prison camp in northeastern desert
Reporters Without Borders today called on the Eritrean government to urgently produce evidence that three journalists illegally held since September 2001 are still alive, as information from credible sources indicates they died in the course of the past 20 months in a detention centre at a place called Eiraeiro, in a remote northeastern desert.
The organisation wrote to the Eritrean embassy in France on 9 October asking the government to provide an explanation “within a reasonable period” about these “very disturbing reports.” If we do not get a reply from you in the near future, our organisation will publish this information,” said the letter, which did not receive a response.
“This silence on the part of the Eritrean authorities is inhumane and intolerable,” Reporters Without Borders said today. “Dozens of political prisoners have disappeared into jails run by the armed forces. They include at least 13 journalists, of whom there has been no word for nearly five years.”
The organisation added: “We now have extremely disturbing revelations in the report on the Eiraeiro detention centre. No foreign government should continue to have any dealings with President Issaias Afeworki and his government without insisting on serious, documented explanations.”
The report on Eiraeiro, located in the Sheib subzone of the Northern Red Sea administrative region, was posted on the Internet in August. It contains precise and verifiable information about the exact location of the detention centre, where at least 62 political prisoners were said to be held, including former ministers, another senior officials, high-ranking military officers, government opponents and eight of the 13 journalists held since a round-up in September 2001.
Initially published in the Tigrinya language on 17 August on aigaforum.com, an Ethiopian website, it was translated into English and posted on 31 August on awate.com, an Eritrean opposition site that is edited in the United States. Reporters Without Borders knows the sources for the information in the report, although it will not identify them for security reasons, and believes them to be credible and serious.
The Eiraeiro detention centre is said to have been built in this northeastern desert in 2003. An Eritrean journalist in exile told Reporters Without Borders that it is “one of the country’s hottest areas.” To get to Eiraeiro, you reportedly have to walk for two hours from the nearest road, linking Serjeka and Gahtelay, northwest of Filfil Selomuna. Consisting of 62 cells measuring 3 metres by 3 metres, it is said to contain detainees who were previously held in Embatkala, in the east of the country.
The prisoners named in the report include Seyoum Tsehaye (or Fsehaye), a freelance journalist (cell No. 10), Dawit Habtemichael, deputy editor and co-founder of Meqaleh (cell No. 12), a journalist identified by the first name “Yosief” or “Yusuf,” who is almost certainly Yusuf Mohamed Ali, the editor of Tsigenay (cell No. 9), Medhane Tewelde (almost certainly Medhane Haile), deputy editor and co-founder of Keste Debena (cell No. 8), Temesghen Gebreyesus, journalist and member of the Keste Debena board (cell No. 23), Said Abdulkader, editor and founder of Admas (cell No. 24), and Emanuel Asrat, editor of Zemen (cell No. 25).
An Eritrean former political prisoner now in exile told Reporters Without Borders on condition on anonymity that Fessahaye “Joshua” Yohannes, a playwright and journalist with the newspaper Setit, is now also being held at Eiraeiro, in cell No. 18. He was previously held in Dongolo prison in the south of the country, in an underground cell measuring just 1.5 metres by 1.5 metres, and 2.5 metres tall, lit by a bulb that was never turned off.
One of his friends, who said he was held at the same time as Yohannes and who now lives in exile, told Reporters Without Borders that Yohannes was subjected to various forms of torture including having his finger-nails ripped out.
They are all part of a group of 13 journalists who were rounded up by the police during the week of 18 to 25 September 2001 after the government decided to “suspend” all of Eritrea’s privately-owned media and ordered the arrest of everyone considered to a member of the opposition.
The report says at least nine of the detainees at Eiraeiro have died as a result of “various illnesses, psychological pressure or suicide.” They include three of the journalists named above - Yusuf Mohamed Ali, who reportedly died on 13 June, Medhane Haile, who reportedly died in February, and Said Abdulkader, who reportedly died in March 2005.
All of the Eritreans consulted by Reporters Without Borders said the information contained in the report was “entirely plausible,” at the very least, even if it could not currently be verified. An Eritrean journalist now in exile said that when he was held at a detention centre like Eiraeiro in 2000: “Many prisoners held at the same time as me died as a result of malaria attacks or other illnesses. Their bodies were thrown in unmarked common graves. In some cases, the authorities led their families to believe they had escaped or were killed by Ethiopians.”
The report contains harrowing descriptions of conditions at Eiraeiro. Most of the detainees are chained by their hands. They sleep on the ground and have no bed linen. Their heads and beards are shaved once a month. Since February, they have been let out of their cells for an hour a day but without being allowed contact with other prisoners. Any attempt to converse with the camp’s guards is immediately punished.
Since 2001, Reporters Without Borders and other human rights and press freedom groups have been calling for the release of Eritrea’s political prisoners, including the 13 journalists arrested in the round-up of September of that year. The Eritrean government claims they are being held as part of a parliamentary investigation into “spying” and “treason.”
The “suspension” of the privately-owned media came as the second war with Ethiopia was ending in 2001, when the independent press relayed calls for democratisation by 15 senior ruling party members known as the “Group of 15” or “G-15” and the government reacted on 18 September 2001 by cracking down on the G-15 and the opposition. After 10 of the detained journalists staged a hunger strike, they were transferred in April 2002 to detention centres in undisclosed locations.

Wednesday, November 08, 2006

ASMARA (AFP) - Eritrea has launched a stinging verbal attack on UN peacekeeping missions, accusing them of "neo-colonialis

In a new sign of deteriorating relations between Asmara and the
United Nations' name United Nations, the state-run Eritrea Profile newspaper called such missions a "lucrative business" that use "war and genocide as a form of trade."
The paper vehemently opposed the deployment of UN peacekeepers to Sudan's troubled Darfur region, saying the proposed move, rejected by Khartoum, was an "evil plot" aimed at compromising Sudanese sovereignty.
"There are no rules that regulate the duration of their stay nor are there any serious initiatives taken to terminate such missions once they have overstayed their welcome," it said in an editorial.
"Peacekeeping forces have become tools for perpetuating unrest and conflicts as well as a source of information and espionage," the paper said. "In short, peacekeeping missions have become the means to neo-colonialism."
The editorial came a week after Eritrea, which mediated a peace deal between Khartoum and eastern rebels, offered to mediate the Darfur conflict that has left at least 200,000 dead and 2.5 million displaced since February 2003.
Although it did not refer specifically to UNMEE, the UN peacekeeping mission that monitors the tense border between Eritrea and Ethiopia, the editorial was also published amid increasing tension between Asmara and the world body.
Since late August, Eritrea has arrested and held for several weeks one UN staffer, expelled five others for alleged espionage and reacted angrily when UNMEE forces shot dead an Eritrean man the mission said had forcibly broken into one of its offices.
At the same time, the United Nations has expressed growing frustration with Eritrea, accusing it last month of a "major breach" of a ceasefire with arch-foe neighbor Ethiopia for sending troops into a demilitarized buffer zone.
The UN Security Council has demanded their withdrawal, but Asmara has refused and has still not complied with nearly year-old demands for it to lift restrictions on UNMEE patrols under threat of sanctions.
Eritrea's actions have come as it steps up accusations that the United Nations and the United States are failing to enforce provisions of a 2000 peace deal that ended its bloody two-year border war with Ethiopia.

Monday, October 30, 2006

"Why Demolishing the Sole University in Eritrea?

The University of Asmara (UOA) was established in 1958 as the ‘Holy Family’ University Institute by the Missionary Congregation (Comboni Sisters). The UOA has been the sole higher education available but has done an enormous job. It has trained and graduated a number of Eritreans and was able be recognized by the UNESCO.

The UOA has been a stepping-stone in the progress of the nation. Till 2002 a number of people have benefited and reached in a very high level. However, the PFDJ’S elite and their handful supporters had hidden agenda for which no single Eritrean has expected. That is the demolishing of our sole Uni. It is like making someone blind.

Looking back in their past history, even when they were in the field before independence they had a great deal of hatred in an educated person. They were torturing and killing a number of well-known intellectuals. There is a recent history also about the torturing of the University of Asmara students when they refuse to work in the summer campaign. There were students who even lost their lives. Although the practical demolishing of the UOA seems to have started on the year 2003 when it had stopped receiving fresh students, it had been planned long time ago. Surprisingly, no one could answer the questions why, what happen and what other alternative do we have in making the Eritrean people blind.


The Head of the state is a symbolic chancellor of the University. However, he has only visited the university once. Even the then president of the university (Dr. Woldeab) said during his visit to the UOA “Hope this will not be your first and last visit”. At the time of his visit he said the contribution of the UOA is under question mark? He meant that the University has done nothing. This has reminded me that when the President of the country visited students in South Africa he said “Globalization is equalization” so the country can get any expert from India or Pakistan . We don’t care about your education whether you come home or not. Instead he was supposed to motivate and praise the achievement made by the students. This is in line with their principle and hatred on intellectual that has started long before independence.

Now last August all the academic staff members of the University have been told that there is the so called restructuring of the University and they went on to say that they have established different colleges in different Zoba’s (regions). A number of questions was raised during the meeting with the Ministry of Education but none has been answered to date rather on mid October all the academic staff have received a letter that tells the place of work and are told that they need to report to the Mai-Nefhi College Colonel. Had the aim was the true establishment of the colleges that would have been nice if it was done with the consultation of the academic staff but none had any idea on that? But the following question should be answered. Is it a must to destroy the UOA in order to establish the colleges? Any person can answer the question.



Surprisingly no research or preparation has been made to establish the colleges. Now we know that there are 6 colleges but none is existent. For example, let’s consider College of Business and Economics that was supposed to be stationed at Massawa as per their order. However, till now even the building is not yet built. So you can imagine how messy the ambition is. Let us see also the existing 3 years old Eritrean Institute of Science and Technology ( Mai-Nefhi College ) it is a military training camp rather than a college. A friend of mine went to the so-called Mail Nefhi College (M-College) and he could not explain to me how sorry he was. The college is led by a Colonel who haven’t been to any college before. The students are in their military grouping and are guarded by military personnel. It is really a pity! Have any one ever seen or heard any college that has such a thing. I don’t think so! In short it is a military camp like that of Sawa.

The other funny thing that I want to tell is about the available departments at M-College. There is Aerospace engineering- very ambitious and has no practical advantage in Eritrea . The UOA with an experience of 50 years had no such departments.

These are some of the things that are happening by the current regime God willing I will write more next time. May God bring peace, stability and progress to our nation, death and failure for the regime?


Wedi Alla Kab Asmera.

Friday, October 27, 2006

"Our Voices Will Liberate Our People!

A Call to Participate in a Peaceful Demonstration!Washington, DC, USA

October 30, 2006

Dear Eritrean brothers and sisters in all corners of the world:
Greetings and best wishes!
Under normal circumstances, as foundations of mutual goodwill, best wishes and greetings would be used for rare occasions during New Year, Easter and Ramadan. We would use them to say, "Happy New Year! Happy Returns! Let's keep in touch! Same time next year!" But these are not the usual times. Our call is not to merely extend greetings, but to share with you, as our conscience and our culture make it incumbent upon us, the urgency for us to come together and be the voice of our silenced people.
As people and a nation we are not doing fine at all. We are not talking about putting food or clothing. We are talking beyond our belly, and groceries. In the fundamental sense, to be human implies having the duty to think of one's parents, brothers, sisters, extended relatives and fellow country men and women. In essence, when one says he or she lives for his or her country, it simply means that one lives for the honor, justice, basic rights and respect of his or her people.
We are obliged to share our people's pain and suffering. But along with the pain and suffering we have the obligation to ask, "Why are our people suffering? Why are they hungry? Why are the youth leaving the country in droves - a country whose parents shed their blood and gave their lives for? What is the cause for all this suffering?" And, ultimately, we must find answers to these unavoidable questions.
We are certain that you share our heart-felt concern and our people's cries for help. The excruciating national pain and suffering are shared experiences. We sincerely believe that you - our elders, our peers, and our younger siblings - feel and share our people's pain and suffering . To those of us living free of fear and terror in America, Europe, Asia, Australia and some African states, our mothers daily tears, our father's endless agonizing, the relentless repression of our youth and children; the endless incarceration of thousands of Eritreans; the full-fledged attack on our celebrated Eritrean spirit and love for justice is a concentrated and coordinated attack on Eritreanism.
Our forefathers said it all: as long as you are with your people, even shared misery can quench your thirst (for justice and peace). We are living in foreign lands away from the direct attack and repression of our people. What are we doing to let our people know that we have not abandoned our ancestors' teaching and wisdom? How are we to reassure our people that we clearly understand that togetherness brings about empathy, advocacy, encouragement, protection for our people, and our strong solidarity that cannot be overwhelmed by tyranny?
Our inability to stand together and our indifference brings about what we are witnessing at present time: apathy in the face of our people's suffering. Apathy has its victims: Eritreans who are being exiled to Sudan, Ethiopia, Libya, and Kenya - destined to live under the yoke of others.
Dear brothers and sisters,
Those of us Eritreans who live in the developed nations - going to work each morning; collecting our salaries; enjoying the fruits of our labor and education - are doing so thanks to the foundation established by the wise and the hardworking people of our adopted countries.
Dear Eritrean youth:
Are you aware that every day and every year, your brother, your peer, your classmate, your father, your uncle, nay the entire Eritrean people are enduring increasingly worsening abuse of the PFDJ Government? Are you aware that they are hungry, cold, agitated, angry and restless? Have you heard that everyday, youth like you, are crossing deserts and wilderness to seek refuge?
Have you heard that instead of a carefree life that all youth are entitled to, they are being beaten in jails throughout the country?
Please tell your peers why you haven't gotten up to speak up for them and say, "Here I am for you!" reassuring them their suffering was not in vain.
My dear young Eritrea lady, wherever you may be, we wish for you a dignified family life. But, as you are getting ready to go to bed at the end of your day, do you think of the young ladies, yes ladies as beautiful as you, whose lives are like that of the flower which can't blossom and the fruit that can't ripen?
Here is a golden opportunity for you to resoundingly show your solidarity with your people in a public and transparent way. October 30th is organized to remind us of our responsibility.
A demonstration has been scheduled for us to remember them. Please come and join us - especially if you live around Washington, DC! Do come and bring along your friends, relatives and anyone you know. Come and enrich our party! Our mothers and sisters in Eritrea will be so proud and they will exclaim, "Yes! They may be in America but they haven't forgotten us. Attagirl!"
So do come over, young Eritrean lady! If we join hands, let alone Isaias, who is only human; let alone PFDJ, who are only people, we can level mountains and hills. Even if it is just for one hour - please come and raise your voice for truth, for your brothers and sisters.
Dear parents, fathers, mothers and elders:
Whether due to nature or nurture, an Eritrean is a person of good-will: kind, generous, hospitable and forgiving. History is a testament, that in addition to kindness and generosity, the Eritrean character is defined by courage and outspokenness. But looking at the landscape now, would it be too bold to ask if the Eritrean tradition and culture of courage and outspokenness have been emasculated?
We dare say this when we observe the behavior of the self-appointed regime and the reaction of the people. As the regime arrests men and women, as it violates the dignity of the elderly and the children; as it abuses the youth; as it hoodwinks the sheik and the priest, have those of us who reside in lands of education and justice developed sufficient capability to live up to our heritage and say, " Stop! What you are doing is the work of outlaws! Let our people go!"
We have been postponing what should be done today, for tomorrow and the day after. It is possible that we have been confused for a while. But now, when the regime's transgressions are as visible as the mountains of Eritrea, only those who have silenced their conscience and their beating hearts can feign deafness.
And so, let's bear witness to the misery in Eritrea and let's be cognizant that things could be even worse than they are now and, before it is too late, let's use October 30 as an occasion to unseal out mouths and loudly proclaim our solidarity with our people.
Dear educated Eritreans:
There is no moral ambiguity on tyranny; and justice does not require philosophizing. The time of bleaching the dark spots and whitewashing the evil is long gone. Use your education and knowledge for the betterment of the people and to usher in an era of peace, justice and tranquility. If you are physically able, attend the October 30th demonstration; if you can't, provide your resources to those who can.
Dear Eritrean brothers in general:
This is an open call to everyone for we do not see any irreconcilable differences between us.
Those of you who were born in Sahel, sons of martyrs; and those who were born after independence - the youth numbering over 100,000… are you there? Are you aware of the condition of your brothers who are living a miserable life after seeking refuge in Sudan, Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda? If you can please come and add your voice in our demonstration to spare the younger siblings of the refugees the same fate.
The families of those who have perished in the deserts and the oceans…are you there? If you can please come to the demonstration and let's do something.
How about the families, friends, peers and relatives of the thousands of Eritreans who are languishing in the prisons of PFDJ… are you there? If you can read this, come to demand an end to it and to add your voice to the voiceless.
Come over, brothers, and let's say enough is enough. Come one and come all- male and females of all nationalities and faiths. Let's put on our forefathers brave masks and collectively find a cure to our disease. Let's raise our voices in unison and shake the jails of the PFDJ regime.
Dear Diaspora Eritreans:We can't say the truth is veiled from you. We can't say you object to raising your voice. We can't say you are afraid. We can't say you are not worried about your family. But we are sad that, to this day, as you witness the tears of your mother and the humiliation of your father, you have yet to try to put a stop to it.
And thus:
(1)Aware that the Eritrean people are suffering unbearable pain; (2)Understanding that the cause of all this suffering is the PFDJ regime - meaning Mr. Isaias and a few of his apostles; (3)Cognizant of the fact that the opportunities to unite, organize, and raise a banner of "We are with our people! No to oppression!" may be slipping by us;
We say, "Come one! Come all" and reverse a situation that is forcing our parents to die in grief; our youth to perish in the deserts and the oceans, Come! Come! And walk the freedom avenues of America and provide a respite to the youth who are being crushed by the burden of the PFDJ! Come! Come! Come Eritrean citizen - raise your voice to expose the nature of PFDJ; pave the paths for change. Come, please, to tell the rich countries that enable the torturers of your parents by sending money to the PFDJ, " No! Please don't aggravate the pain of my family! The regime in Eritrea is an outlaw clique! Don't befriend and don't extend the life of the oppressor!" The day that a thousand united Eritreans raise their voice in unison demanding their right is the day the PFDJ will be buried. So, don't wait; let the bravery you inherited be your guide and come to Washington, DC on October 30th— a historic demonstration that will expedite the demise of the PFDJ.
Finally, to the opposition organizations and human rights advocates it gives us pleasure to say the following:
Although you do not expect compliments and gratitude for your steadfast opposition to the one-man regime as it tramples over the rights of the people, we salute all your efforts on behalf of the rights of the Eritrean people. Whatever banner and program you advocate, since it is all for the rights of Eritreans, your initiatives are worthy of our praise and we wish you all the best. Since you are part and parcel of the people, we add to our well wishes an open invitation for you to join the demonstration and enrich it.
Those of us writing this message are individuals and institutions who are driven to call the demonstration by our helplessness in witnessing the tears, mass exile and death of our people - and we consider what we are doing complementary and empowering to the organized struggle that you conduct. Our work is the initiative of the gathering strength of individuals. No doubt, there are mistakes and shortcomings in the organization of this demonstration. But the shortcomings do not take away from the principle, and it is our humble call that you overlook the mistakes, cover them with your goodwill and treat this demonstration as if you organized it and exert all efforts to make it successful. Regardless of who invited whom; who initiated and who organized it, what matters is the cause: for the sake of rights and justice of the Eritrean people; to bring forth the goals of the opposition organizations and to strengthen them; to return the honor and dignity of the people. Similarly, we appeal to all Eritrean media outlets who work for the betterment of the Eritrean people to disseminate this information in any manner they deem.
Our Voices Shall Bring About Our Liberation!Our unity shall bring forth our rights!
Members of October 30 Demonstration Committee

Thursday, October 26, 2006

The Blunders & Crimes of Isaias Afwerki (Part 3)

By Lieutenant Kidane - Oct 25, 2006

Isaias vs Isaias: the Puritan vs the Lustful
Starting from the field, Isaias always kept a low profile. This was a deliberate and a well-planned means to mystify him and increase his popularity and he capitalized on it to the maximum. He portrayed an image of a puritan and an exemplary and selfless Marxist. It worked marvelously: "Don't you know that Isaias carries sacks of wedi Aker [lentils] with his staff? He is so selfless and workaholic that he eats only once a day but drinks a lot of coffee so that he could work for a minimum of 18-20 hours. Unlike Mugabe and Museveni, he even washes his clothes himself, and carries water from the well and does his chores in the migibina…” The wudasie mariam [excessive praise] of his cronies are endless.
But secrets get out slowly. The fitewrari that were with him were not all of them foolish after all. There were some who were watching all his movements suspiciously and were smart enough not to be tantalized by his affection or their position with the helmsman in Anberbeb. They finally knew that the man was not as they guessed, the Che Guevara of Eritrea, but a second rate revolutionary.
Let us look at the events closely.
While the other members of the Central committee and Politburo were marrying and remarrying, drinking and having fun with their comrades, Isaias did not marry and did not join in late night drinks of dimu dimu [moonshine.] The poor Tegadelti including myself were saying that Isaias will not marry, because "Abey kerkibelu ilkayo miskinay! Bsrah Libu tefi'uwo zelo!" [when will he ever find the time to marry; he is so overworked!]
But around 1984-85 there were leaks about his marriage. People were saying that Tewil has finally married, but unlike the others he married Saba a member of his staff in an almost invisible ceremony. "Aye seb'ai, Beqa neza mesri'e xewi'e abilu, 'Belu lomi ms bxeyti Saba qal kidan ne'aser alena,' iluwom. Hoy hoy yele dewsha yele abalatu tray xewi'u ba'elatom sewa xemiqom be xebhi ades ahlifuwo mera'u" Tebahilu." But secrets can not be kept long and people are not as dull as they seem. The facts as told by eyewitnesses are as follows.
[Paragraph deleted.]
After his marriage he went to Somalia twice and committed a scandal on both occasions. The woman in Mogadishu was the concubine of a well-to-do Somali, but our helmsman nevertheless wanted to have her. There was disturbance and scuffle until hajji Saleh settled the matter. This action was repeated by our reputed leader in his second leg. This happened circa 1986-87. Therefore, while in Sahel, the difference between Isaias and his colleagues was that they were doing these things openly; he did it secretly at least for the time being. I should add here that there were some who had a clean record.
After the liberation of Eritrea, people began to talk about the social behavior of Eritrean ministers. While the man was, as usual keeping, a low profile and abstaining from public liquor houses, the others were normally mingling with the populace. Of course some of them were going astray and needed some castigation. Anyhow, this was working for the benefit of Isaias because he wants something that he can exploit. These and other questions were asked at the then fashionable Bahti Meskerem, "Rikib Hizbin presidenten."[annual town hall meetings with the president.]
The man answered that it is high time for the government to introduce a code of conduct for senior government officials, ministers etc. But he never did anything of that sort. Because by not doing so, he kills two birds with one stone. First, he will always have the chance to exploit the mistakes of his colleagues (their excesses, if any); secondly, if he introduces a law concerning the code of conduct, it will be difficult for him to be the Gringo of the Expo at a later date. In short he will be accountable to the law.
True to his character, Isaias started to dine and wine after the incarceration of the G15. After 18/09/01, there was no one of significant caliber who could challenge him. Therefore, the all night dances and brawls became common. Isaias practically became the squad leader of the Asmara youth in the nightclubs. Ab leytawi tlhit zerekbuwo Deqi asmera ‘merah mesri'ena’ ybluwo neyrom. [In the nightclubs, the kids used to call him ‘our squad leader.’] Now lets look at some of the samples.
About four years years ago, while Isaias was high and dancing with a certain lady at the Shamrock nightclub, he lost his special (global) mobile phone. The moment he was aware it is not with him, he started roaring like a lion and the security began harassing the clients of Shamrock in a gestapo fashion. Everybody was locked and the searching started. Of course, the people in the hall were afraid that they might either be killed or dragged to the police station. Finally, to the delight of everyone, the set was found in a corner inside the hall. The man was simply drunk and never knew were he put it.
Around the same time he was dancing as a clock at his house, the Shamrock. In the midst of this he saw a gorgeous lady dancing with a man. He wanted to have the lady, which he considered glamorous and probably husband-less. He gave a tip to his security and the dogs began to snarl at the man who was with the lady and overpowered him in no time. The poor lady never knew what happened until she found herself with our great hero Isaias in a room with a bed. She was shocked at his approach and told him, "How can you do such thing to me? Don't you really know that I am the wife of [so and so]!!" He replied that he did not know and let her go her way. The woman was really the wife of an acquaintance of him, though Isaias never cared about friends or comrades in arms.
While he was visiting Europe on organizational or governmental affair, there were the always obedient sycophants and boot-lickers who provided him with choice ladies. This happens on every visit. The hafash widibat deqi anistiyo in Europe were afraid for the life of their (beloved) president and tried to do something to protect him. Since they don't have access to him or his office, one of them was chosen to ring the bell by any means. When this certain lady came to Eritrea, she contacted a general who was her relative and told him the following information. "This is a strictly confidential message of high importance and you should promise that you will transfer it to the concerned authority. Our leader, as any man, can have an affair with any lady he chooses, but he is making love to ladies who are street girls and yet without a condom. We are afraid he could contact the virus. Please try to give him your council, otherwise we will lose him." The woman was speaking earnestly and out of concern for the life of an indispensable and charismatic leader, a Kim IL Sung or a Castro. But unless he was in a hurry to lose his job, the General could never tell him so. But the story was circulated in high circles during late night hours.
There is general information in Asmara that when the man meets ladies he never uses condoms. Another Jacob Zuma. But no one has the power to bring him to justice. Jacob's crime was on sexual matters,... Isaias's crime is something that deserves more than mere capital punishment.
These are some of the examples on the conduct and behavior of our great president which some people glorify and consider like a smaller saint. The message is: He is a drunkard, an impostor and a sexaholic.
To be continued…

The Blunders & Crimes Of Isaias Afwerki (Part 2)

By Lieutenant Kidane - Oct 24, 2006

Stalin used Lavrenta Berya Berya (A Ukrainian by birth if I am not mistaken) as his henchman and liquidated prominent leaders in the party and great generals in the Army. Finally Stalin destroyed Berya with the weapon he polished himself for long years.
Isaias has been using this system ever after he came to power in the Hizbawi Haylitat [People’s Force.] He uses the dynamic persons or key figures for a certain period of time. The moment they start to grumble about the situation, he removes them from power unceremoniously (midiskal or “freezing”.) If they seem to be dangerous and a threat to his power, he tarnishes them as traitors and imprisons them.
Currently he is grooming Tekle Manjus, Affan and others by discarding the G-20 (the corrupt generals) which he used to destroy the G-15 (the central committee members he had used to destroy Yemeen and Menkae.) Filipos, Samuel China, Tewil and even the bull Wuchu will soon be powerless.
The problem with the poor fellows (forget the ministers) around the president is that they never understand history. Sebhat Efrem is an outright opportunist that betrayed the G15; Samuel China is Sebhat's follower, for he was the one that brought him to such a lofty position which in fact he never deserved.
Filipos trusted Mesfun Hagos but not enough to talk his mind; he wasn’t bold enough. Umer Tewil is a hedonist and is nowhere in the picture. Wuchu knows only implementing military orders. In general all these persons have become career people and never care about the livelihood of their soldiers or the plight of the masses. All the principles and slogans of the liberation movement have become forgotten in the dusty memory of the Generals. Gone are those days.
In 1986, in the halefatat seminars, [a special purging campaign against what Isaias then called the Three Privileges of corruption] Isaias told EPLF combatants in the trenches, "You should be aware of your leaders as of now. Because, unless you struggle for your rights now, after the liberation of Eritrea, these same people will spit upon you from palaces in Asmara. Therefore you should be bold enough to speak out and criticize them now." Of course the combatants were afraid and retorted by saying, "If we speak out now, we will suffer the consequences immediately after you leave this place," and Isaias replied, "Ajokatkum xnxya aynekum zenfirelkum yelen" [Fear not! Nobody will dare touch you.]
What happened next some think it is Isaias prophesy being fulfilled, but in actual fact,it was the combatants prophesy fulfilled. Because the masses became confident and talked and talked disclosing the corruption that was rampant in the trenches and the Offices of the Battalion, Brigade, and Division. A typical example was Filipos’s Division. When every one criticized him, Isaias insulted and scolded him as a Seraqi [thief] and Metefafi'e [a chieat.] On the third day, those combatants that talked their mind began to be demoted and downgraded. Of course some were successful in reaching Anberbeb Wetehaderawi biet xhfet [military office], whose chief then was Asmerom Gherezghiher and transferred to other Units.
Now Isaias will never hold such meetings because he is afraid he will be punished by severe criticism of the combatants and he knows that he will lose the loyalty of the corrupted generals.
The main concern of these generals now is their land cruisers; that the diesel shortage does not affect them because their children will be late for school and, finally, the gardens in their villas. The villas for which they don't have ownership title "libreto" and for which they never paid rent. Some time ago, some generals were sitting at the house of a veteran who had passed a way, paying their condolences. All of a sudden General Wuchu said,"Ente vila tewahibna alena nay dahray gn endi'e" [Villas we have been granted; what happens next, who knows?] and laughed uproariously.
As for Asmerom Gherezghiher, now Brigadier General, and the Chief Financial Officer of the Eritrean Defense Forces, he has been on deterioration path since the 1st organizational congress of the EPLF, when he attended as one of the leaders of Shewate Hade. He was a selfless person of peasant origin and always sided with the masses but now, like everybody else, he is totally compromised.
My compatriots! What does one await from such people? They are afraid not to be imprisoned while they are under prison; they are afraid to die while they are already dead. They are in prison because they don’t ever get out of Eritrea and are in a fence without barbed wire. They are dead because they can never talk their mind but only gossip and say, "Ezi Seb'ai texelilu iyu ymesleni! Entay iyu zegebir zelo?" [The man has lost his mind! What is he doing?] If someone can't talk his mind or if his conscience is blaming him and he is afraid to take a principled action, then he is dead.
On the opposite, those that are in prison are free for they talked their mind and are still free to talk. But on the other hand, the families of the imprisoned are the ones who actually pay the price because they can’t ask the whereabouts of their brothers or children or fathers.
To be continued.

The Blunders & Crimes of Isaias Afwerki(part I)

Source: www.awate.com

By Lieutenant Kidane (Asmara) - Oct 19, 2006

My dear countrymen: lend me your ears and you eyes for a few minutes and try to learn from the unrecorded history of our revolution.
I have been following the blunders and crimes committed by Isaias Afwerki for the last thirty years. Like most Eritreans, I was considering him a revolutionary and a patriot and giving him credit he did not deserve. This is natural because in our culture a well done job is attributed to the leader or the helmsman. But it transpired at the end that our (reputed) helmsman finally turned to be the king without clothes.
The bad thing is there are still many of my compatriots that never understood the open secret that Isaias’ political life did not depend on his merit but the collective skill and endeavors of his colleagues: the Martyred ones in the field and the G15 after Liberation.
Starting from the split of the EPLF in the seventies, Isaias never wanted to be the second man. Therefore, if you have a careful look, you can see the mysterious or suspicious disappearance or death of our brilliant comrades.
The death of Abraham Tewelde is a vivid example. After Isaias consolidated his power in the Selfi Netsanet, he saw that Mesfun Hagos was a contender since all the rank and file admired and loved him. He was, for your information, elected in both the Qedamay Wegen and Kal'ay Wegen. This was bitter pill to swallow for Isaias. Therefore, he knew that he should, by any means, lower that profile.
In between this, Mussie's group arrived to the field after hijacking an Ethiopian plane to Libya. Mussie Tesfamichael was a genius and a revolutionary of a classic type. He was the only person that opposed Isaias boldy, and some eyewitnesses tell you that Isaias shrinked and was shy in front of him. All prominent intellectuals who later became members of the central committee of the EPLF supported the movement and Isaias was helpless.
But by combining a Stalinist cruelty and Machiavellian political cunning, he discredited the glorious movement by putting a traitor's tag on the revolutionaries. Out of fear or opportunism all those that tried to lift Mussie's banner were beaten by the same fashion. The sad thing is that Isaias, in stark defiance, was able to do this technique repeatedly.
The liquidation of the Yemin [“rightwingers”] as compared to the Menka'es [“leftwingers”] is so blatant that even an explanation was not given. Shame on those that were able to stop it on time. As the saying goes, "A revolution eats its children" and they were to be hoisted by the same petard. Id shenahit tsenahit iyu eti neger.
Look at our history:
Isaias destroyed the Menka'e (left wing) with the help of the Yemin (right wing);
Isaias destroyed the Yemin with the help of the G15 (members of the Central committee).
Isaias destroyed the G15 with the help of the would-be-G20, or the Gang of Generals. And yet, no one really understands.
The systematic liquidation of any contender to power is a purely Stalinist method. Without going into the details, Stalin used Berya as his henchman and finally destroyed him.
To be continued…

Monday, October 23, 2006

Eritrea ’s government shameless disregard for law

Editorial

The Ethiopian Herald
October 19, 2006
An Ethiopian News Agency report said U.N. secretary-general Kofi Annan denounced Eritrea ’s deployment of troops and tanks in the demilitarized Temporary Security Zone (TSZ).According to the report Annan accused Eritrea of violating the deal by sending 1,500 troops and 14 tanks into the TSZ and called for their immediate withdrawal saying the move jeopardized the pact and could affect regional security.The report quoted Ethiopian Information Minister Berhan Hailu as saying, “ Eritrea has been repeatedly violating the ceasefire agreement and had intruded into the TSZ. The Eritrean government has long begun breaking the Algiers peace agreement by hindering the activities of the United Nations Mission to Ethiopia and Eritrea (UNMEE).”It should be called that the Ethiopian and Eritrean governments reached the peace agreement following the war between the two countries that had quite negative impact on both countries and people. It was a devastating war that was provoked by the Shabia ruling clique. It was a war that cost thousands of lives and caused so much destruction to property.Even after the two countries reached the Algiers peace agreement the Asmara dictatorial regime has not refrained from acts that could provoke another cycle of war between the two neighboring countries, Ethiopia and Eritrea . Since it came to power, the Shabia dictatorial group has remained to be inflated by arrogance, intransigence, adventurism and jingoism. Since it continues to stay on a shaky ground at home, Shabia has always been trying to divert the Eritrean peoples’ attention from local problems it faces, by provoking neighboring countries without any justifiable reason whatsoever.It has been trying to destabilize countries in the Horn of Africa by encouraging and supporting anti-peace groups.Shabia has been supporting insurgents that seek to provoke war as well as instigating and aggravating inter-ethnic and religious conflicts in neighboring states. It is engaged in such anti-peace and provocative acts because of lack of genuine peace and stability in Eritrea itself under its tyrannical rule.For quite sometime now, the Shabia ruling clique has been unleashing hostile propaganda against Ethiopia . Its agents have been infiltrating into Ethiopia to implement the evil motive of disturbing the country’s peace. It has supported anti-peace elements in Somalia who are out to engage in anti-peace activities in the Ethio-Somalia border. And, now, as indicated earlier, it continues to break the Algiers Peace Agreement. From the developments referred to above, we can see that the Asmara regime has never refrained from carrying out activities that are detrimental to peace and stability in the Horn of Africa.On the other hand, the Ethiopian government has always advocated peace and stability when it comes to its relations with neighboring countries or other countries for that matter. Ethiopia has maintained a strong peace stance at regional or international level. Ethiopia has never provoked any country. The Ethiopian people are jealous of their freedom and independence. They are always on the alert when it comes to defending their country from any external aggression. The Ethiopians have, on many occasions, proved that they have the capacity to defend their land from external aggressors.But one thing is certain. The Ethiopian people have nothing against the Eritrean people that are presently being downtrodden by the tyrannical regime. The Ethiopian people are however, steadfast to defend their land from any aggression. Ethiopia always believes in the wisdom putting into effect the Algiers agreement which Shabia continues to violate

Sunday, October 22, 2006

"Troops massing around Somali town

Islamist militias have taken control of large parts of SomaliaSomali government troops and Islamist fighters are massing around the central town of Burhakaba a day after it was taken by government forces.
Residents are fleeing as Islamic Courts rebels vow to retake the town - close to the government stronghold of Baidoa.
Ethiopian soldiers are said to have helped the government troops.
With Eritrean soldiers suspected of helping the rebels, diplomats have warned the situation could spiral out of control, engulfing the whole region.
The danger is of a conflict for control of the Horn - a proxy war between Ethiopia and Eritrea, continuing the border war between the two states that ended six years ago in an uneasy peace, says the BBC's Africa analyst Martin Plaut.
Somalia has been in the grip of warlords and militias for years and has not had a functioning national government since 1991.
Denials
The Union of Islamic Courts (UIC) has consolidated its control over much of southern Somalia after seizing Mogadishu in June.
But Saturday's fighting is being seen as a challenge to their authority - as well as a prelude to a wider confrontation, says our Africa analyst.
Hundreds of Islamists have now converged on the nearby town of Lego.

"The Ethiopians have attacked Burhakaba and if they don't leave we will attack them," commander Sheikh Yusuf Mohamed Siad told Reuters news agency.
"Ethiopia and its allies are against the peace we have brought to Somalia after 16 years of unrest," he said.
Reuters said battlewagons - lorries mounted with heavy machine guns and anti-aircraft rockets - were moving into Lego.
"If these attacks continue we will ask other Islamic nations to help us," he said.
The transitional government has repeated its denial that it has any Ethiopian troops with it.
'Faltering control'
Ethiopia denies having troops in Somalia but says it has sent advisers.
But the government has repeatedly denied Ethiopian military support, despite eyewitness reports to the contrary, says our analyst.
Diplomatic sources estimate that between 6,000-8,000 Ethiopians are now inside Somalia, bolstering the government's faltering control.
Ranged against them are not just the well-armed militia of the Islamic Courts, but also about 2,000 fully equipped Eritrean troops, says our analyst.
Both sides in the Somali conflict are reported to have major outside backers - the government supported by Ethiopia, Uganda and Yemen; the Islamic Courts receiving aid from Iran, Libya, Saudi Arabia and Gulf States.
Arms are reported to be flowing into the country on a daily basis, says our Africa analyst.
And the diplomats warn that if the Eritreans, now reported to be on the frontline, come into a direct confrontation with the Ethiopians it could take the whole region down, says our analyst.

NKorea, Turkmenistan, Eritrea at bottom of press freedom ranks

PARIS: North Korea, Turkmenistan and Eritrea are the "worst predators of press freedom", according to a new study published that also finds the United States, France, Japan and Denmark among those slipping in the global press freedom scale.

"Unfortunately nothing has changed in the countries that are the worst predators of press freedom, and journalists in North Korea, Eritrea, Turkmenistan, Cuba, Burma and China are still risking their life or imprisonment for trying to keep us informed," said the Paris-based Reporters Without Borders (RSF), which authored the 168-nation "Worldwide Press Freedom Index 2006."

"These situations are extremely serious," Reporters Without Borders added in its fifth such study, "and it is urgent that leaders of these countries accept criticism and stop routinely cracking down on the media so harshly." The report is not all bleak. Haiti has jumped from 125th to 87th place in the two years since former president Jean-Bertrand Aristide fled the turmoil- torn country. Although several murders of reporters remain unpublished, RSF said, violence against the media has subsided.

Press freedom also improved in Bolivia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Panama, Ghana and several Gulf countries, the media watchdog group said. And a crop of northern European countries, including Finland, Ireland, Iceland and the Netherlands continue to top the index, sharing first place this year.

But elsewhere in the world, a mix of factors -- including war, political repression, national security concerns and rising nationalism -- pose new threats to journalistic liberty. Wartorn Lebanon, for example, tumbled from 56th to 107th place in the past five years, the study reports, "as the country's media continues to suffer from the region's poisonous political atmosphere, with a series of bomb attacks in 2005 and Israeli military attacks this year.

" The study also criticizes the Palestinian Authority (134th) for failing to maintain internal stability and Israel (135th) for behavior outside its borders that "seriously threaten freedom of expression in the Middle East," it said. Elsewhere, political repression in Iran, Syria and Saudi Arabia left those countries near the bottom of the index.

ኩቡራት በጻሕቲ መርበብ ሓበሬታ ኣድማስ !

ከምዝፍለጥ ሎሚ ኤርትራ እታ እንኮ ነጻ ፕረስ ዘይብላ ኣፍሪቃዊት ሃገርን እታ ብግህሰት ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ዜጋታታ መዳርግቲ ዘይብላ ሃገር ኮይና ኣላ: እዚ ኹሉ ዝኸውን ዘሎ ኸኣ ብጎልባብ ሃገራዊ ጸጥታን ልዑላውነት ምዕቃብን ብዝብል ምስምስ ናይ ስልጣን ጌዚኻ ንምንዋሕ ተባሂሉ ዝግበር ዘሎ ሓሸውየ እዩ::

ጋዜጣ ኣድማስ ነቲ ኣብ ውሽጢ ኤርትራ ተነፊጉ ዘሎ መሰረታዊ መሰላት ናብ ህዝቢ ንኽምለስን እቶም ግዳያት ግህሰት ሰብኣዊ መሰል ኮይኖም ፈቐዶ ጎዳጉዲ ዝበልዩ ዘለው ዜጋታት ካብቲ መወዳእታ ዘይብሉ ስቓይ ነጻ ክሳብ ዝኾኑን ህዝብና ሓርነቱ ክሳብ ዝረክብን: ከም መቐጸልታ ናይቲ ኣባላት ምድላው ኣድማስ ዘካይድዎ ዘለው ኩሉንተናዊ ቃልሲ ኣብ መስርሕ ምዝርጋሕ ሓበሬታ እውን ነቲ ንነዊሕ ጌዚ ብኻልእ እዋናዊን መድረኻውን ንጥፈታት ዛሕቲሉ ዝጸንሐ ኣበርክቶኦም ብዝተዓጻጸፈ ናህሪ ክሰርሓሉ ምኻኖም ቃል ብምእታው ተሳትፎ ናይ ኩሉ በጻሓይ ከኣ ይምሕጸኑ::

ምድላው ኣድማስ

Farewell Party for UN Secretary General


“Every revolution begins with the power of an idea,
and ends when the only idea left is clinging to power.”

Grudge politics has become the hallmarks of the regime. The latest non-event of PFDJ moving its troops into the demilitarized zones reflects more on the collective mental state of the regime than its intended effect. The latest definition of ‘national development’ has both explained few inconsistencies while confusing some of our other observations.

Past observations explained include: we were wondering about the regime’s claim of so many ‘development projects’ taking place in Eritrea. The regime has finally explained to us that its ‘development projects’ consist of 1,500 troops and 14 tanks. Based on the latest definition, we reckon that the regime’s highest number of ‘development projects’ took place between May 1998 and June 2000. Moreover, all these trips to Gash Barka for ‘development projects’ must be to inaugurate the completion of Sawa trainings.

Our confusion is this: if moving 1,500 troops and 14 tanks is part of ‘national development’, does this mean that the Ministry of ‘National Development’ is able to mobilize troops and tanks? Is the Minister of Ministry of ‘National Development’ given an added title – Field Marshall Dr.? Would this put the Ministry of Defense in conflict with the Ministry of ‘National Development’ – after all, creating internal conflict is the middle name for PFDJ?

If it walks like a duck, quacks like a duck, it is a duck!


Non-Event
The burning question remains, what is the purpose of PFDJ’s latest desperado theatrics; who is the audience?
Purpose:

Could this be a prelude to invasion?

Probability: extremely low
o Tanks are used for advancing or for forward movement. The fact that PFDJ moved 14 tanks is supposed to signal that the regime is prepared to attack its enemy. There are three possible [but unlikely] military objectives,
§ Redeploy Eritrean troops in the DMZ to send signal to the world community that unless the border is demarcated, and very soon, that it would proceed with further desperate actions,
§ Another possible objective might be to re-assert its sovereignty over areas awarded to Eritrea under the 2002 border decision. This would mean rekindling war with Ethiopia. The outcome of such war is unpredictable.
§ Still another possible objective might be to invade Northern Ethiopia in a bid to put momentum on overthrowing the PMMZ regime. After all, having entered into DMZ, PFDJ is now in violation of the 2000 Algiers’s Agreement, thus if war is to re-start with Ethiopia PFDJ must ensure a win because it would face world condemnation regardless. Any other outcome would be the immediate downfall of PFDJ; it must go for everything or nothing.
ü Could this be a psychological warfare?
o Obviously, the regime wants to give the impression that it is desperate enough to carry out foolish acts. The regime is engaging in desperate acts and it wants the world community to know that, i.e. it doesn’t want to hide the fact it is in desperate domestic political situation. Although it may put brave face for its domestic audience, it wants the world community, esp. the US, to calculate the risks of alienating a regime into a corner and its possible consequences.
o As the history tells us dictators leave the impression that they would fight to the last man to protect their own interest disguised under rhetoric of protecting sovereignty. Some recent examples include Col. Mengistu and Saddam. In reality, when the noose gets tighter around their necks, they are the first to abandon their bravado and run or hide in rat holes. If history is any indication, despite the latest PFDJ theatrics, PFDJ won’t do anything to jeopardize its own existence. It would rather sink slowly into its destruction while hoping that some political tsunami saves its political life, than to take its chances with war with Ethiopia which could possibly rid of the PMMZ regime.
o Especially in today’s world where dictators might be brought to International Criminal Court (ICC), PFDJ knows that the days of wreaking havoc and then skipping to safe country when cornered is now gone. As a result, dictators’ tendencies to play their extreme games are taken away from them. By taking away their extreme options, nearly all dictators are quickly cornered into their submission.
Taking the above factors into considerations, the impact on the following audiences could be,
1. Ethiopia: PMMZ has already responded stating that his regime won’t respond to this apparent provocation. PMMZ responded as exactly one would expect him to say. PMMZ believes that it has ‘time’ [and the US] on its side.
2. US: Similar to Ethiopia’s position, the US will ignore the latest action. The UN and other world bodies will ignore the latest theatrics.
3. Eritrean Population: The Eritrean population is the biggest victim of this latest PFDJ theatrics. The Eritrean people are wondering what will happen to themselves and family members if another war is rekindled because of PFDJ’s bloodthirsty and desperate acts. At the end of the day, intensifying the ‘fear’ game against the Eritrean population will only increase the likelihood of popular uprising. Where the opposition camp is able to strategize and lend the necessary leadership (under recognizable figures) and direction, there can be a very high likelihood of change very soon.
4. Higdefawiyans: The latest desperate theatrics can’t be for the benefit of higdefawiyans. Their support for the regime isn’t based on political prudence nor belief in the rule-of-law, but is based on personality cult. Thus the regime need not do anything to keep them onside.
For all concerned parties, the latest PFDJ desperate theatrics is a non-event.
War of Attrition
Despite the end of the physical battles between Eritrea and Ethiopia in June 2000, ‘war by other means’ has been raging, even picking up speed, since June 2000 and especially after the border decision in 2002.
Eritrea’s strategy of war of attrition consists of training and arming every opposition group in Ethiopia while simultaneously engaging in intensive media campaign against the PMMZ regime. Unable to hasten the downfall of the PMMZ regime under this strategy, the PFDJ regime has opened another front in Somalia. This latest strategy of expanding the war of attrition indicates that the PFDJ feels that it doesn’t have the luxury of time and must hasten the downfall of PMMZ regime – by any means. The burning question is why does the PFDJ regime feel that it doesn’t have the luxury of time? There are two main reasons: first, PFDJ is under pressure from its own population to engage in wide sweeping political reforms, and second, PFDJ doesn’t have the political, diplomatic and financial resources to outlast the PMMZ regime.
Ethiopia’s strategy of war of attrition consists of letting the PFDJ regime remain in a state of suspended animation – quickly draining PFDJ’s resources. Ethiopia has much larger pool of financial resources, including the large foreign assistance it receives. In contrast, PFDJ must finance 300,000 troops on dwindling financial resources. In addition, the PMMZ regime is fully aware that PFDJ is under intense internal political pressure and thus for the PMMZ regime ‘time’ is its ace in the hole. The PMMZ regime is fully cognizant of the internal politics of Eritrea and has prudently avoided from favoring one opposition group over another.
Who is winning the war of attrition? The essence of ‘war of attrition’ is ‘time’ – who can remain standing. ‘Time’ implies which side has greater resources to remain standing. Thus, by implication, this means that every day, every week, and every month that passes, it favors the PMMZ regime and works against the PFDJ regime.
PFDJ’s Schizophrenic Foreign Policy
It is absolutely puzzling to observe PFDJ’s policy towards the sole world superpower. The PFDJ regime quickly escalated Woyane’s provocation into war by occupying disputed territory in May 1998. Although the disputed territory belonged to Eritrea, there were international legal procedures that PFDJ should have pursued to claim these lands. But PFDJ operates under ‘Might is Right’ political philosophy than engaging in the tedious task of diplomacy and international legal avenues. PFDJ should have learned the importance of ‘diplomacy’ and abiding by international rules [which are not always fair] over the Hanish Islands disputes.
After the Badme fiasco leading to Ethiopia’s Declaration of War, PFDJ hoped that the US would extricate it [PFDJ] from its own mistakes. Instead, the US and the world community in general placed the blame of aggression squarely on PFDJ. For the world community, PFDJ Eritrea’s latest and repeated [i.e. after Hanish] action created dangerous precedence [which is really double standard]. When the US failed to extricate PFDJ from its own misguided ‘Might is Right’ political philosophy, PFDJ pursued confrontational approach to dealing with Ms. Susan Rice and Mr. Anthony Lake. Later, the PFDJ regime claimed that the CIA was plotting against it. But in reality, the Clinton Administration had goodwill towards Eritrea – calling PIA and others as the new generation of leaders only a couple of years earlier. Even Ms. Clinton visited Eritrea. So what happened between 1997 when the US had such high expectation for Eritrea to a couple of years later when PFDJ was accusing the US of plotting against it? The answer is simple, the PFDJ regime pursued misguided foreign policies, ‘I know better’ and total disregard for international rules – a dangerous example, a troublesome student that needed to learn some bitter lessons.
Unfortunately, the PFDJ has an exaggerated opinion of itself. It is childishly trying to play the carrot-stick game against the world’s sole superpower.
ü The carrot game the PFDJ regime tried to play with the US consisted of the following,
o Offer the Dahlak Islands for American use (esp. during the war with Iraq). The PFDJ regime had American lobbyists to win over the American Administration to use the islands. But although the US navy may have needed the Dahlak Islands for its Iraq campaign, instead the American Administration chose to use the Djiboutian French Naval Base although the French had alienated the Americans by actively campaigning against the American position in the UN Security Council during the days leading to the Iraq War.
o Join the ‘Coalition of the Willing’ in American campaign into Iraq.
o The biggest carrot the regime is desperately playing to win over the US government is the PFDJ’s ruthless and reckless interference in the Sudan. It is no secret that the PFDJ is both the arsonist and firefighter in the Sudanese political arena. The purpose has little to do with PFDJ’s genuine interest in Sudan but PFDJ’s desperate act of trying to win the American government’s attention. PFDJ doesn’t accept American foreign policy of pegging their [US] interest with perceived regional powers – i.e. Ethiopia in the Horn, Egypt in the North, Nigeria in the West and South Africa in the South – is unpalatable. By interfering and playing the broker in Sudan and possible broker in Somalia, and even as power broker in Ethiopia, PFDJ hopes to earn its respect with the American government. PFDJ hopes that its ability to manipulate regional politics, unlike Ethiopia, in the form of its role as a broker between the Sudanese government and Eastern Sudan rebels is a proof of its ‘power’ in the region. By extension, PFDJ is sending the signal to the American government that PFDJ can also resolve the Darfur issue which is preoccupying the world community, and beyond that the Somali tragedy
ü The stick game is usually and naturally the opposite of the carrot game,
o Fully aware that the Darfur issue is occupying the Western World, and even possibly becoming a minor issue in some Western elections, the PFDJ regime is sending a subtle message that if the US doesn’t deliver on the border that the PFDJ won’t help with the Darfur issue – and even possibly exacerbating the situation.
o For a regime that doesn’t have the luxury of time, PFDJ anted up its game by directly interfering in Ethiopia in the hope of knocking off the PMMZ regime. The message to the American government is that PFDJ has the power to destroy its protégé in the Horn of Africa.
o For a regime that is racing against time, PFDJ can’t just wait for the outcome of its efforts in the Darfur and Ethiopian politics. Thus PFDJ quickly expanded its interference game into Somalia. If the US doesn’t pressurize Ethiopia to accept the border demarcation, PFDJ is saying that it will adversely interfere with America’s War-on-Terror – America’s current cornerstone of its foreign policy. This is the ultimate sign of either the regime’s inability to understand the limits of playing with fire or, more likely, its extremely desperate state of affairs.
Ultimately, PFDJ regime’s message is clear – give me [implement] the border decision or I can wreak havoc in this region. PFDJ is saying that it is reckless and desperate enough to carry out its threats. But the politics of appeasement is exercised by the European governments and not by the American government. As the self-appointed policeman of the world, American policy is based on what any regime’s action or engagement has on ‘precedence’, ‘ramifications’ and ‘implications’ in world order. In contrast, although EU’s Ambassador to Eritrea was annoyed a couple of months ago over PFDJ’s illegal sale of $ 3 Million worth of food aid, while everyone was expecting stiff response by the EU, instead the EU proceeded with additional $ 25 Million of aid to Eritrea. EU may claim that the funds were already in the pipeline, but without firm and timely EU response, either by ensuring that assistance is used for intended purposes only or by denying assistance, the EU can only embolden the regime.
Farewell Party
PFDJ’s latest desperate theatrics has little effect on all the concerned groups. The timing and purpose of this latest theatrics can only be construed as a farewell party for the outgoing UN Secretary General [UNSG] Kofi Anan. This is typical grudge politics (even prevalent within the opposition camp) or ‘Bah Aybelom Politics’ that is played by aspiring politics who can never understand the occupational hazards of being politicians.
The rocky relationship between UNSG and PFDJ can’t be judged in isolation. PFDJ has made a career out of alienating every diplomat in the world – save the Chinese. But then again, even the Chinese abstained when the UNSC passed the unfair [to Eritrea] Resolution 1641. PFDJ has sought confrontation with top American officials, EU representatives and everyone in-between.
Why would PFDJ choose to selectively pick a fight against UNSG? In reality, the UN in general doesn’t have the capacity to enforce international agreements and decisions. It must be no less frustrating for UNSG to be unable to enforce international agreements than the aggrieved parties, but must rely on the individual interest of member states to implement them – thus inconsistencies in applying international agreements and UNGA & UNSC resolutions. Disregarding UNSC resolutions is the rule rather than the exception. The latest PFDJ theatrics in defiance of Resolution 1641 is simply yet another proof why the 2000 Algiers Agreements can’t be implemented without some fancy diplomatic footwork. As one can remember, [the unfair to Eritrea] Resolution 1641 was supposed to pass some form of punitive action if Ethiopia and Eritrea didn’t take specific actions. PFDJ has anted up its campaign against Resolution 1641 – as ‘bah aybelka’ UNSG, but no action has been taken against PFDJ either.
The latest PFDJ theatrics is supposed to put yet another black mark [blemish] on the outgoing UNSG’s legacy. In reality, the Eritrea-Ethiopia border conflict hardly raises any interest outside Eritrea and only part of Ethiopia. As much as we regard our Eritrea as the center of the world, for the rest of the world, Eritrea doesn’t even exist on the world map. Unfortunately, the outgoing UNSG will be remembered more by the Rwanda tragedy [as head of UN Peacekeeping Mission], 9/11, the Iraq (including the Food-for-Oil Program) tragedy, and North Korean and Iranian defiance. But all these happened not because of the UNSG but despite the UNSG. His valiant effort to revamp the UN was side-wiped by the US. With the departure of the current UNSG, the selection of the new UNSG suggests that the UN agenda for the next 5 to 10 years will be dominated by the Middle East and Far East. Continuing with the trend of the past 5 years, Africa will become even more marginalized. This will mean that the Ethio-Eritrea border issue will be thrown even further into the back-burner – and even if the border issue is ever mentioned it will be within the context of the War-On-Terror rather than on its own merit.
Under the new UNSG, PFDJ theatrics won’t attract any attention, which will defeat the purpose of PFDJ’s theatrics. World disinterest on the border issue will suit the PMMZ regime because it feels that it has ‘time’ [and the US] on its side while the PFDJ regime feels that a ‘prolonged war of attrition’ works against it.
The only immediate impact [on Eritrea] of the UNSG leaving office will be that those Eritreans of higdefawiyan variety who tried to make a career out of bashing the UNSG in their articles will have to find a new topic – and that will be no easy challenge.
Absolute Necessities of the limits of power
‘Bah Aybelo[m] Politics’ or ‘Keriyeka Iye Politics’ is destructive. If politicians can’t accept the nature and occupational hazards of the political world in its treachery and duplicity, and instead turn into personal grudge match, then the result is mutually assured destruction. Unfortunately, regardless of how rational a person may be, one is never immune from personal feelings – feelings of betrayal, holding grudges, need for vindication and varying degrees of egotism. That is why institutions are needed to control inescapable human nature. Institutionalization simply means distributing power such that negative human nature cancels each other out. Thus the aim is institutionalizing politics is not to turn politicians into perfectly rational people, which is not humanly possible, but to ensure their competitive ambitions cancels each other out and thus mitigating the negative effects of individual human shortcomings.
A government may fail in carrying out its policies, esp. major policies, for various reasons. The tendency of any regime that is caught in a wrong major policy is to ‘stay the course’ and thus possibly endangering the unity and survival of a nation. The head of a regime feels that its personal legacy depends in ensuring the eventual success of its failed policy and thus endangering the survival of the nation [for personal reputation]. That is why the limits of power must be imposed if a nation is to overcome wrong or failed policies – and they happen more often than not. When President Johnson got embroiled in Vietnam, it took President Nixon to extricate the US from Vietnam. It will take the next American administration to extricate the US from Iraq. This is the strength of America. The American system of government doesn’t allow American leaders who bogged down in wrong policies to drag the whole country down with them. This is yet another example of the eternal wisdom of the framers of the American Constitution. Disagreements over course of action are called ‘democracy’ in America. Disagreements over course of action are called ‘endangering national security’ and ‘temberkaknet’ in PFDJ’s Eritrea. That is why America [and the Western Democracy in general] can extricate itself from quagmires and PFDJ’s Eritrea can’t.
In August 2000, the PFDJ Central Committee gave PIA an opportunity to quietly, in a zipped manner that only PFDJ/EPLF can deliver, amend the many mistakes of the previous years. But PIA felt that his political opponents won’t allow him to live down his mistakes of the previous years. The only way, PIA felt, to ensure that his mistakes won’t catch up to him was to ensure that he claims eventual success on his initial failures by ‘staying the course’ and claiming personal victory over the border issue. At the end of the Eritrea-Ethiopia war, PFDJ was stuck between two factors that ensured PFDJ pursue only one course of action. The first factor was that the Eritrean Constitution and the reform movement must be crushed. The second factor was to ensure that border victory become a personal victory to absolve himself from the 1998-2000 Fiasco. The reformers gave PIA an opportunity to extricate himself, but PIA chose the unfortunate path.
Similarly, those in the opposition camp that choose to regurgitate old politics are just as guilty of playing destructive politics – no less than PFDJ’s. Just as the wise G-15 attempted to do, we have to allow leaders who get caught in formulating or in supporting ‘major’ policies that eventually fail to extricate themselves in honorable way that allows them to save their names and legacies. In exchange, these leaders must seek wide consultation to amend mistakes or pursue other widely accepted alternative course of actions. The fact that PIA ignored the reformers’ correct approach of offering to extricate PIA in exchange for proceeding with reform doesn’t retroactively blemish the G-15 over their prudent approach. If we allow our pessimism to think five moves ahead in a political chess game, we will only end up advocating for ‘the end justifies the means’. That surely will mean the end of our aspiration for democratic Eritrea, and ensuring that Eritrea remains among the ranks of all other failed and failing states. We have to operate as if our next political move defines all our future political moves. It is this wisdom of the G-15 we admire and respect. That is why they chose to offer their lives for the next move – not for three moves ahead, but the next one.
It would be naïve to think that the current struggle is only against the PFDJ regime. The problem of PFDJ is universal and our campaign is to ensure that personality cults and whims of individuals don’t lead to the destruction of our nation – a nation entrusted to us by the sweat and blood of hundreds of thousands of Eritreans. The limits of power and establishing institutions are the only ways to ensure the long term viability Eritrea as a stable democratic nation. Institutions are created on the strength of current flexible, learning, innovative and systematic organizations [both political and non-political].
Berhan Hagos
October 21, 2006