Recollections - A Historical Puzzle
by Paul B. Henze
Foreword: I returned to Asmara from service as an Observer in the Eritrean Referendum at Om Hager the evening of 26 April 1993. The next morning I had a breakfast time telephone call from Hagos Gebre Hiwot in Provisional President Isaias Aferwerki's office--Isaias wished to talk to me. Could I come to see him at 10 o'clock that morning? Of course. A car was at the Ambasoira Hotel at 5 to 10. I spent the next hour and a half in Isaias's office with him. The only others at this session were Hagos Gebre Hiwot and a note-taker named Tewolde.
I made a full record of this conversation immediately afterward, for I was impressed by the good sense of what Isaias had said and felt that the conversation was historic. Indeed it was! But what a contrast with his behavior from 1997 onward and with what he has been saying recently! My record of this conversation follows:
Isaias welcomed me, saying that he felt it was important to talk to me because my judgments and advice would be important for the future of the whole region. He asked about my impressions of the way the referendum had gone in Om Hager and elsewhere in the west. I said I had been pleasantly surprised to find so little evidence of Christian-Muslim strain and so little reason to believe that Eritreans returning from Sudan were bringing religious extremism along with them. Contrary to what I had been hearing from others about Isaias's current concerns, he expressed very confident views on religion.
"The NIF in Sudan has tried to recruit a few Eritreans to spread its line here," he said, "but they have had very little success. The extremists who have come back can be counted in tens only--when they come back here, they discover that Eritrean priorities are most important."
Isaias favors free movement across the border and believes that all the refugees who want to return can be accommodated as economic development accelerates. I expressed confidence that Eritreans will see their interest in maximum development of the country--both economically and politically--and not in being easily drawn into political or religious adventurism. I said the outcome of the referendum confirmed me in this feeling. He agreed.
The conversation turned quickly to discussion of ethnicity, political parties, democratization, and Ethiopia. Isaias remains deeply disturbed by the course political development in Ethiopia is taking. He believes the EPRDF must moderate its preoccupation with ethnic structuralism and ethnic politics. He spoke quite disdainfully of last year's rush to elections, naively assuming that they would win Western approval. He characterized parties based on ethnic groups as harmful to democracy. He made it clear that he wants to require political parties in Eritrea to have political programs that reflect various views of national interests. Religion and ethnicity are out as a basis for political organization:
"People have to be prepared for voting. We have not had elections in two of our regions--Asmara and Dancalia--because they are not yet prepared for them. We want to build political participation from the ground up. We are working on a party law that will be part of our constitution."
I said I thought it important that the constitutional process not be hurried and mentioned the need for Ethiopia to go slowly in this respect. I told him I had already urged Meles to avoid a rigid timetable on the constitutional processes and to be ready to modify the ethnic principle in administration. Looking backward Isaias said the EPRDF had miscalculated on the importance of the OLF:
"It is clear that the OLF lacked first-class leadership and strong support among the people."
Isaias sees Ethiopia's domestic political and economic problems as well as its international situation as quite parallel to those of Eritrea. He expressed concern that the U.S. is pulling out of Somalia too fast. I said that continued large-scale involvement in Somalia would leave no American resources for African countries that were trying to make something of themselves. He said he considered it important for Ethiopia to be involved in Somalia: "Perhaps Ethiopia could push the Somalis into creating some kind of order." I noted that at least one problem seemed now to be settled--Somali irredentism is no longer a worry for anyone in the Horn. Somalis in Ethiopia are happy to be there and insulated from the troubles across the border. Isaias concluded by saying he hoped the United States would continue to be involved in Somalia.
Isaias was interesting on Afars:
"It was wise of the Ethiopians to have made Habib Ali Mirah head of the Afar region because "the fellow is a moderate who understands where the best interests of the Afars lie--while Ali Mirah himself is a confused man who still has visions of himself as a grand sultan to whom all Afars owe allegiance. The Afars who are happiest today are those in Dancalia--for their interests and those of Eritrea coincide."
Isaias described the Afar problem as the result of Mengistu's arming of the Afars who then fled into Djibouti territory and stirred up trouble there:
"The French could have asserted more authority and prevented this. The Afars are at best only 40% of the population of Djibouti and are less developed than the Issas in every respect. They cannot gain dominance. But they have little respect for life, They are a wild people and can be led into fanaticism that serves no one's interests. Our problem is to draw them into development and this will take time. It is an advantage that Habib was educated at the University of Asmara and understands Eritrea."
Isaias considers Yemen an integral part of the Horn. He believes the Saudis treated the Yemenis badly. He is encouraging maximum trade with Yemen in both directions and is confident that over time the Yemenis will make a success of their unified country. Saudi Arabia, on the other hand, he considers a time bomb:
"It is an explosion waiting to happen. Money cannot buy stability. No country can develop on the basis of foreign labor that has no stake in the country's development. We will not let the Saudis play with us--we insist on following our own interests. They must learn to live with that."
He spoke very positively of Israel:
"Israel has a great deal to offer us and is being very helpful. We are not going to let anyone tell us we cannot manage our relations with Israel as we wish."
We came back to discussion of ethnicity and politics two or three times--both in respect to Ethiopia and in respect to developments in Eritrea. Isaias cited the American approach to ethnicity as the kind of model he wants to follow:
"People should be free to express their unique interests in ways that do not undermine the national interest and national development goals. Most Eritrean Muslims are Khatmia--they are naturally moderate and sensible. Neither ethnicity nor religion are priorities with them. They want peace and a better life and the task of the independent government we are now creating is to gain those objectives for the Eritrean people."
Isaias is eager for foreign investment, especially from the United States. He wants rapid reconstruction of highways and irrigation facilities. He expected that the World Bank will be giving Eritrea generous support for road development.
I gave Isaias impressions of my recent visits to the ex-Soviet Union. He listened with attention.
Near the end of the meeting I mentioned our stop yesterday in Semenawi Bahri [an escarpment region below Adi Teklesan], and how thrilled I was at the beauty of the region. Isaias smiled and said: "We are going to turn it into a national park and develop it for tourism."
All in all, I had the impression that Isaias had given considerable thought to what he wanted to say to me. His statements about Eritrea's position and present state of development were very thoughtfully formulated. He repeated several times how important it was for Eritrea to have a constructive relationship with the U.S. I said I knew many American institutions were eager to undertake programs to help Eritrea and cited proposals the University of Oklahoma people have recently mentioned to me. Isaias didn't know that this university had a long history of good work in Ethiopia. He glowed when I said I considered it important for him to come to the States later this year. I said that Meles Zenawi would also be coming.
There were a couple of times when Isaias impressed me as tired, but on the whole he displayed considerable energy and sparkle, laughed several times, was delighted to have our picture taken together "so that you can prove to people in the States that I am neither dead nor disabled." He was dressed very casually--light shirt and sweater, sandals. Hagos had on blue jeans and a nylon jacket. There is still very little formality about the Eritrean government. Tewolde took meticulous notes during the entire conversation and commented to me as we went out to the car that he had enjoyed the discussion of issues very much.
Afterword: Reading my record of this meeting more than 14 years later. I find it hard to understand why this man proceeded to fan tensions with Sudan, Yemen and Djibouti during the years 1994-1197 and then finally to invade Ethiopia in 1998. Since Ethiopia defeated his armies in 2000 he has pursued a program of implacable hostility. Instead of welcoming aid for developing Eritrea, he has harassed and finally forbidden most international agencies and private organizations from operating in Eritrea. He has stubbornly persisted in attempts to undermine Ethiopia by offering support to dissidents and hostile movements, including the Oromo movements he denounced to me in 1993. He is aiding and abetting terrorists and supporting Islamic extremists. Since Ethiopia intervened in Somalia in December 2006, he has done everything Eritrea's meager resources enable him to do to encourage disorder in Somalia and resistance to African Union and international efforts to stabilize the country. His invective against the United States now knows no bounds.
Ethiopians speculated in the late 1990s that the attack of cerebral malaria which almost killed Isaias in 1996 twisted his mind. The only other--and more rational--explanation for his behavior during the past ten years is that internal resistance in Eritrea proved so difficult for him to manage that he reverted to authoritarian methods in which he had been indoctrinated when he became a dedicated Marxist in the early 1980s to intimidate Eritrea's population into submission. This has led him to imprison a large proportion of his former colleagues, reject the constitution that Bereket Habte Selassie laboriously crafted in the mid-1990s, and abandon even the pretense of creating a democratic political system and open society.
Can such an approach ensure his continuation in power? Can despotism lay the basis for a genuinely independent Eritrea? It seems doubtful.
Wednesday, October 10, 2007
Monday, October 08, 2007
THE ORWELIAN WORLD OF ERITREAN POLITICS
"Nothing big is accomplished with out zeal and passion…” Ralph Waldo Emerson
“Foolishness is the greatest of all human follies …” Lao Tze
Mikias Mihretab Yohannes
In our everyday life, we are affected by politics of the land and the world more than any thing else. Though it seems undemanding and no big deal, there is no way of avoiding politics and its intricacies, successfully .As the Ethiopian prime Minster Meles Zenawi said once….. Even the mere statement” I don’t like politics is politics by itself!” Yes, from paying taxes to laws and regulations regarding land and housing and business transaction, to buying our daily bread, almost every thing is politics or has something to do with it. As one prominent politician wrote once “our every day life and existence is wrapped up in politics"
All of us are participants of politics of our land either willingly or not. Though the degree of participation and activity differs from nation to nation, every one of us is a player in the never-ending theatre of politics. Political life and the role of its actors in a society differ significantly from country to country though this gap is narrowing by the day.
There are certain common or defining feature and elements in politics among normal political entities or systems. All over the world citizens have some kind of participation or say in their government’s politics and affair of state. In a number of nations, the political freedom of their subjects and even resident aliens is at its best. In other unfortunate ones subjects are mere followers of the political whims and dreams of their officials and those in power. The right to vote, to freely assemble, to express views with out reprisal, and to get full legal protection is enshrined in many countries constitution and laws. These and other rights are the sign of a healthy political life and structure. A nation can be under absolute monarchy like say Morocco but its citizens can still enjoy some of the amenities of a normal political life. A regime also can have the phrase” democratic republic" In its designation in countries like North Korea (officially DEMOCRATIC PEOPLES REPUBLIC OF KOREA D.P.R.K),but with no political and economic and other rights to its citizens what so ever. As of today such totalitarian nations are vanishing from the face of the earth rapidly. Hope fully there will be none some times soon in the near future.
The Eastern African nation of Eritrea is under a unique Orwellian style of political system for quite a while now. Under the leadership of Mr. Issias Afewerki, Eritrean politics is a class by itself with few comparisons, if any. It is hard and will be inaccurate to precisely define or describe the existing Eritrean political system and life. Just like the weather of the day, Eritrean politics fluctuates unpredictably and erratically. But it can be judged and analyzed from the disastrous impact it had on its people both inside and outside of Eritrea, neighboring countries and to lesser extent the world at large. In the past 15 or so years, a lot has happened in Eritrean politics, most of it of course with tragic consequences. In those seemingly few 15 years of existence, Eritrea and its politics has fallen so low so fast and with no end in sight. The Orwellian politics of Eritrea is unmatched by any other country in Africa or any where else for that matter. From hosting the then US secretary of defense Donald Rumsfeld and other top US military and intelligence officials, to giving venue and military aid to Somali anti US insurgents, Eritrea's political circus is an amazing act of self destruction. With in very short period of time, the country Eritrea, which was one of the only two or three nations who support US invasion of Iraq, is now on the waiting list of "nations who sponsor state terrorism”. In the bizarre and strange Eritrean political arena, there is no rule to follow or standard game to play. One plus one can be two or three or thirty three or three thousand it depends on the weather and sanity of the leader. In the Orwellian republic of Eritrea, just asking for a meeting with the leadership can mean death or indefinite imprisonment. In he most nightmarish political landscape of Eritrea, one can rot" in jail with or with out a crime. Trying to escape to a better life to other countries can mean jail or death by firing squad in Haddas Eritrea (new Eritrea).
Even George Orwell will have a hard time envisaging such barbaric political system. There are also some funny moments in the otherwise horrific Eritrean politics. A few years ago the PFDJ, cultural department banned all Amharic music in public places. it was reported by the BBC and other news outlets. Then few years later, the famous Amharic" singer Solomon Tekalegn was seen singing and dancing (in Amharic of course!) to a crowd of in Eritreans at Asmara expo hall. A friend of mine, who was there, describes how out of shape PFDJ officials were dancing to the tune of Solomon’s "ERE GOBEZ ERE GOBEZ...." and other Amharic nationalist songs. Imagine Yemane Gebreab doing the Amharic "ESKISTA" or General Wuchu dancing in MENZIGNA????(He might have to learn now how to dance in Somali or Sri-Lankan as well)
In the brutal landscape of Eritrea there is no room for dialogue, tolerance, patience or wisdom. All these are considered as signs of weakness and feminine behavior. Just like in the jungle, you either eat or kill or you will be devoured and be eaten by other wolves. So far the most successful beast of all has killed and ate almost any one who stands in front of him. The merciless hunting, killing and destroying of victims is going on unabated.
In the sadistic political administration of Eritrea ,there is nothing like clemency ,pardon, reduced sentence, mercy, parole etc. These are totally alien words in Eritrean political dictionary! Once you are shipped to on e of the several Gulags
(Soviet style prisons) all over the country, there is no guarantee that you will be back safely There is high probability that you will never see your day in court. Tens of thousands of Eritreans including the writer of this article have been victims of such callousness and inhumanity. Many are languishing under terrible conditions till this day. To come to my point, even the most brutal dictatorial regimes have displayed some grain of humanity from time to time. From Saddam Hussein to Papa Doc Duvalier of Haiti, Mengistu to Mao to the current Burmese dictatorship, they demonstrate a certain degree of humanity albeit occasionally. Prisoners are released or get pardon or their terms slashed on the eve of national day or some other local holiday. Scores of political and other inmates are released or their term reduced, marking like the birth day of the tyrant of the day or on some other special day of the land. In one of his last act as head of state, Saddam Hussein Al Tikrti of Iraq released almost all Iraqi political and other prisoners. In Mengistu;s Stalinist Ethiopia, some political and other prisoners(including several Eritreans) were being freed on the day of revolution day or some other days like the tenth anniversary of the Ethiopian revolution in 1985 or under some other circumstances. In many Muslim and Arab countries thousands of prisoners are expected to be freed or their term reduced marking the holy month of Ramadan and the Eid. Libyan strong man Muammar Gadafi is known to raze prisons to the ground by bulldozer from time to time, when he is feeling good. Prisoners all over the world have thousands of ways of being at liberty even with out completing their sentences
There is nothing like that in hellish Eritrea under Issias and his henchmen .There is no annual pardon, amnesty, parole or even appeal in Eritrea Africa’s Singapore (remember?). Many families (some of whom I know personally) of jailed Eritreans, were expecting the release of their loved ones during the eve of the tenth anniversary of Independence Day celebrations. Rumor was rife in Asmara and other cities and towns that some political prisoners will be released marking the 10th anniversary of independence day in 2001 or 2003.I personally know a Muslim family in Asmara whose father was arrested and disappeared since 1994.The wife of the person really believed in the rumors and thought her husband is going to come home after all these years,. A high ranking official and relative of the family told the lady that her husband might be among those who will be freed during the 10th Independence Day anniversaries. The family were jubilant and in high spirit expecting their dear father to be with them. I, as a friend of the family was part of this festive mood in the household though deep inside me I was in doubt that any good thing will come from the God less Shabias .10th anniversary and other anniversaries pass but nothing happened. Let alone massive pardon or amnesty, not a single detainee was released .Not a sole Eritrean was able to join his family on this and other supposedly happy days of the people. Just imagine the pain and anguish of the family. Think of the crushed spirit of the family and other countless Eritrean families! Yes tyranny and fascism has reached an unprecedented level of cruelty in Issias's Eritrea. The Orwellian life of Eritreans is full of such heart breaking tales. In this time of freedom and liberty all over the world, in this age of elections and ballot boxes, where people are liberated and express their will, Eritreans of all sorts are languishing in under ground dungeons and torture chambers all over the land. Journalists, followers of different religions, prominent businessmen, every day people, and young people some of them as young as 14 or 15 are rotting in Issias' Afewerki’s s penal complexes.
The sad irony is that many Eritreans (both inside and outside) are becoming desensitized about this human horror story. So much brutality for so long have changed many Eritreans in to docile sheep like opportunistic creatures. A lot of Eritreans, even those outside of Eritrea are highly traumatized by what is taking place in their homeland. You can see it from their face and feel the despair despite their ardent effort to hide it (typical unhealthy Eritrean trait).
The news from home stating that some body is arrested or some one has disappeared or some people have fled is falling in to deaf ears in many instances .Arrest, roundup, illegal seizure, beating, endless servitude, rape, and all kinds of abuse are becoming everyday Eritrean staples under the terrorist regime of Issias Afewerki .In the many public gathering and meeting of Eritreans here in the united states the talk is full of "KUSTO ,TEASIRU,KUSTO DEHAYU YELEN, BEALL EGELE HADIMOM....(meaning =some one has been arrested, there is no news of some body, or some people have fled..)
In the unforgiving political terrain of Eritrea, no one forgives no body and there is no room for compromise or dialogue .In-fact compromise and the word” I am sorry or I apologize" are on the verge of extinction all together. Some countries risk the loss and extinction of their fauna or flora, Eritrea and Eritreans are losing their God given decency and normality. The brutal Orwellian political system and life inside Eritrea is affecting almost all Eritrean religious, social, economic and civic life affair as well. Though the PFDJ clique is a class by itself in this destructive behavior, unfortunately it has many followers all over the world. Eritreans have a hard time working together or reaching a consensus regarding many issues. Several Eritreans couldn’t even work together for short period of time. There is a huge degree of mistrust and hatred among Eritrean groups and different personality’s .Anger, rage, chaos, bewilderment and unbelievable ignorance is in the air. This is a sad but true state of Eritrea and Eritreans now days all over the world. Various Eritreans (both as a group and individual) are having a hard time concentrating on issues and seeing clearly the obstacles and the solutions to problems. The democratic opposition to the Asmara regime, though it has a lot of decent honorable people, its existence is in precarious situation, let alone facing and challenging the tyrannical regime in Eritrea. As of this writing, not a single Eritrean village or town is under the opposition’s control. The resistance seems waiting for a miracle to happen. This kind of insane politics is unheard of in Africa or in any other third world countries with similar background.
Now a days many Eritreans join the opposition parties or groups just for "WEREQET"(to get asylum support letter for their petition in the immigration offices).Ask any young Eritrean why he/she joins such and such movement .They will tell you on your face just NWEREQET( For asylum support letter).After they get their "WEREQET' and approval of asylum by the host government ,many will not even remember the name of the group or party they first join in. This is the factual reality of politics, Eritrean style. Many disappointed Eritreans have resolved to their fate under such circumstances. Some opt to lick the boots of the butchers of Eritrea, just to go home, buy some land or sleep with some poor girls over there. Some have decided not to have anything with Eritrean politics what so ever. Still some more resort to alcohol and stuff and lead a very uneventful dull life. The only commonality to many Eritreans all over is the never changing love of dance and the GUWYLA. The sadistic regime in Asmara has a password for this malaise and utter weakness of Eritreans and keeps on churning and sending different musicians and singers year after year Festival after festival. It is common and even expected practice ,to attend a political meeting for one hour or so and then dance "gwayla" for two three hours after that .Eritrean dance regarding almost any occasion. They dance and dance and dance more any time of the year. Eritrteans, specially the highlanders(the majority of muslim Eritreans are free of such idolatry and madness) have an amazing and yet scarry obsession in the verge of idolatry with dancing! While the nation is burning and dying and crying for help, Eritreans keep on dancing and this foolishness is shared equally between the PFDJ worshippers and the opposition groups. I remember attending an opposition sponsored meeting some time ago. The meeting was about the overall sad situation in Eritrea and its impact on its people. Speaker after speaker were addressing the hellish life inside Eritrea and how the international community was quiet and not taking actions. A very somber meeting full of tragic stories and events from home. I was one of among the many sad and depressed faces in the hall. The meeting ended by passing resolutions and communiqués. Then an announcer told that after the meeting there is going to be...........(you guessed it) G.W.A.Y.L A and TSEWETA(dancing)!!!!
The somber and gloomy faces of quite some time ago were jumping and howling like the zebras and impalas of the SERENGETI! Some were jumping high, others were bending their back like plastic others were moving their neck left and right fast like a table tennis player .still others were circling and circling and keep on circling in the endless circle dance of the Tigrinya speakers. I ask my self” what is there to celebrate and dance for?" "What kind of stupidity is this" Does God has created other foolish people too?" Is it not a time of prayer, solitude and deep sadness on what is taking place in our land?. To be honest there is nothing: normal" among today’s Eritrea and Eritreans. Every thing is full of Orwellian tragic tales and plain insanity. Deceit, betrayal, cruelty, opportunistic behavior, malice, ignorant racism and foolishness are becoming the defining trade marks of Eritreans .And this is very good news indeed to the PFDJ regime. The over all political, social and civic status is unhealthy and unacceptable. It needs massive overhaul and great correction. Doing something over and over again and expecting different result is insanity as many wise men have said it before. But this sign of insanity is not exclusively for PFDJ and its leaders only .All of us are at high risk of participating and contributing to this lunacy roulette and act of ruin .Whether we like it or not a chronic political illness, confusion, chaos and identity crisis is lurking in to Eritrean psyche at high speed. The famous Eritrean spirit known for its tenacity and resolve is being replaced by unstable minds, crushed spirits and racist attitudes. One of the lasting legacies of the Orwellian government of Mr. Issias Afewerki is the systematic, secretive, deliberate and brutally efficient mutilation of the Eritrean spirit and psyche. Look at the photos of our grand fathers and fathers and see how they shine and glow even from the old pictures. Men of honor, reputation, truth and faith they live and died with dignity. Look at the current PFDJ virus infected generation: disheveled, broken, full of lie and betrayal, no faith or fear of God what so ever, full of fear and terror, living like a rabbit and dying like a rat! Yes, this is painful and heart breaking to many Eritreans, but that is the factual state of affair of our life.
In the final analysis, the question is there a hope? Is there a chance, even a slim one, of returning to normalcy? This is a million dollar question with no easy answer. As almost any thing in this earth, one couldn’t be totally pessimistic and hopeless .There are a lot of instances in history where seemingly doomed to failure causes turn around for the better. There are also countless situations where things might deteriorate even further. Some brutally terrorized societies have bounced back and are leading normal life. Others are unlucky and are descending further and deeper to mayhem and pandemonium. To know which societies have rebounded back and which are still living in terror and darkness and are spiraling downwards is not as difficult as a rocket science. Any one who listens and follow the news will have a clear picture of what I am saying about. Let’s work, hope and pray incessantly that we will be counted among the fortunate few.
“Foolishness is the greatest of all human follies …” Lao Tze
Mikias Mihretab Yohannes
In our everyday life, we are affected by politics of the land and the world more than any thing else. Though it seems undemanding and no big deal, there is no way of avoiding politics and its intricacies, successfully .As the Ethiopian prime Minster Meles Zenawi said once….. Even the mere statement” I don’t like politics is politics by itself!” Yes, from paying taxes to laws and regulations regarding land and housing and business transaction, to buying our daily bread, almost every thing is politics or has something to do with it. As one prominent politician wrote once “our every day life and existence is wrapped up in politics"
All of us are participants of politics of our land either willingly or not. Though the degree of participation and activity differs from nation to nation, every one of us is a player in the never-ending theatre of politics. Political life and the role of its actors in a society differ significantly from country to country though this gap is narrowing by the day.
There are certain common or defining feature and elements in politics among normal political entities or systems. All over the world citizens have some kind of participation or say in their government’s politics and affair of state. In a number of nations, the political freedom of their subjects and even resident aliens is at its best. In other unfortunate ones subjects are mere followers of the political whims and dreams of their officials and those in power. The right to vote, to freely assemble, to express views with out reprisal, and to get full legal protection is enshrined in many countries constitution and laws. These and other rights are the sign of a healthy political life and structure. A nation can be under absolute monarchy like say Morocco but its citizens can still enjoy some of the amenities of a normal political life. A regime also can have the phrase” democratic republic" In its designation in countries like North Korea (officially DEMOCRATIC PEOPLES REPUBLIC OF KOREA D.P.R.K),but with no political and economic and other rights to its citizens what so ever. As of today such totalitarian nations are vanishing from the face of the earth rapidly. Hope fully there will be none some times soon in the near future.
The Eastern African nation of Eritrea is under a unique Orwellian style of political system for quite a while now. Under the leadership of Mr. Issias Afewerki, Eritrean politics is a class by itself with few comparisons, if any. It is hard and will be inaccurate to precisely define or describe the existing Eritrean political system and life. Just like the weather of the day, Eritrean politics fluctuates unpredictably and erratically. But it can be judged and analyzed from the disastrous impact it had on its people both inside and outside of Eritrea, neighboring countries and to lesser extent the world at large. In the past 15 or so years, a lot has happened in Eritrean politics, most of it of course with tragic consequences. In those seemingly few 15 years of existence, Eritrea and its politics has fallen so low so fast and with no end in sight. The Orwellian politics of Eritrea is unmatched by any other country in Africa or any where else for that matter. From hosting the then US secretary of defense Donald Rumsfeld and other top US military and intelligence officials, to giving venue and military aid to Somali anti US insurgents, Eritrea's political circus is an amazing act of self destruction. With in very short period of time, the country Eritrea, which was one of the only two or three nations who support US invasion of Iraq, is now on the waiting list of "nations who sponsor state terrorism”. In the bizarre and strange Eritrean political arena, there is no rule to follow or standard game to play. One plus one can be two or three or thirty three or three thousand it depends on the weather and sanity of the leader. In the Orwellian republic of Eritrea, just asking for a meeting with the leadership can mean death or indefinite imprisonment. In he most nightmarish political landscape of Eritrea, one can rot" in jail with or with out a crime. Trying to escape to a better life to other countries can mean jail or death by firing squad in Haddas Eritrea (new Eritrea).
Even George Orwell will have a hard time envisaging such barbaric political system. There are also some funny moments in the otherwise horrific Eritrean politics. A few years ago the PFDJ, cultural department banned all Amharic music in public places. it was reported by the BBC and other news outlets. Then few years later, the famous Amharic" singer Solomon Tekalegn was seen singing and dancing (in Amharic of course!) to a crowd of in Eritreans at Asmara expo hall. A friend of mine, who was there, describes how out of shape PFDJ officials were dancing to the tune of Solomon’s "ERE GOBEZ ERE GOBEZ...." and other Amharic nationalist songs. Imagine Yemane Gebreab doing the Amharic "ESKISTA" or General Wuchu dancing in MENZIGNA????(He might have to learn now how to dance in Somali or Sri-Lankan as well)
In the brutal landscape of Eritrea there is no room for dialogue, tolerance, patience or wisdom. All these are considered as signs of weakness and feminine behavior. Just like in the jungle, you either eat or kill or you will be devoured and be eaten by other wolves. So far the most successful beast of all has killed and ate almost any one who stands in front of him. The merciless hunting, killing and destroying of victims is going on unabated.
In the sadistic political administration of Eritrea ,there is nothing like clemency ,pardon, reduced sentence, mercy, parole etc. These are totally alien words in Eritrean political dictionary! Once you are shipped to on e of the several Gulags
(Soviet style prisons) all over the country, there is no guarantee that you will be back safely There is high probability that you will never see your day in court. Tens of thousands of Eritreans including the writer of this article have been victims of such callousness and inhumanity. Many are languishing under terrible conditions till this day. To come to my point, even the most brutal dictatorial regimes have displayed some grain of humanity from time to time. From Saddam Hussein to Papa Doc Duvalier of Haiti, Mengistu to Mao to the current Burmese dictatorship, they demonstrate a certain degree of humanity albeit occasionally. Prisoners are released or get pardon or their terms slashed on the eve of national day or some other local holiday. Scores of political and other inmates are released or their term reduced, marking like the birth day of the tyrant of the day or on some other special day of the land. In one of his last act as head of state, Saddam Hussein Al Tikrti of Iraq released almost all Iraqi political and other prisoners. In Mengistu;s Stalinist Ethiopia, some political and other prisoners(including several Eritreans) were being freed on the day of revolution day or some other days like the tenth anniversary of the Ethiopian revolution in 1985 or under some other circumstances. In many Muslim and Arab countries thousands of prisoners are expected to be freed or their term reduced marking the holy month of Ramadan and the Eid. Libyan strong man Muammar Gadafi is known to raze prisons to the ground by bulldozer from time to time, when he is feeling good. Prisoners all over the world have thousands of ways of being at liberty even with out completing their sentences
There is nothing like that in hellish Eritrea under Issias and his henchmen .There is no annual pardon, amnesty, parole or even appeal in Eritrea Africa’s Singapore (remember?). Many families (some of whom I know personally) of jailed Eritreans, were expecting the release of their loved ones during the eve of the tenth anniversary of Independence Day celebrations. Rumor was rife in Asmara and other cities and towns that some political prisoners will be released marking the 10th anniversary of independence day in 2001 or 2003.I personally know a Muslim family in Asmara whose father was arrested and disappeared since 1994.The wife of the person really believed in the rumors and thought her husband is going to come home after all these years,. A high ranking official and relative of the family told the lady that her husband might be among those who will be freed during the 10th Independence Day anniversaries. The family were jubilant and in high spirit expecting their dear father to be with them. I, as a friend of the family was part of this festive mood in the household though deep inside me I was in doubt that any good thing will come from the God less Shabias .10th anniversary and other anniversaries pass but nothing happened. Let alone massive pardon or amnesty, not a single detainee was released .Not a sole Eritrean was able to join his family on this and other supposedly happy days of the people. Just imagine the pain and anguish of the family. Think of the crushed spirit of the family and other countless Eritrean families! Yes tyranny and fascism has reached an unprecedented level of cruelty in Issias's Eritrea. The Orwellian life of Eritreans is full of such heart breaking tales. In this time of freedom and liberty all over the world, in this age of elections and ballot boxes, where people are liberated and express their will, Eritreans of all sorts are languishing in under ground dungeons and torture chambers all over the land. Journalists, followers of different religions, prominent businessmen, every day people, and young people some of them as young as 14 or 15 are rotting in Issias' Afewerki’s s penal complexes.
The sad irony is that many Eritreans (both inside and outside) are becoming desensitized about this human horror story. So much brutality for so long have changed many Eritreans in to docile sheep like opportunistic creatures. A lot of Eritreans, even those outside of Eritrea are highly traumatized by what is taking place in their homeland. You can see it from their face and feel the despair despite their ardent effort to hide it (typical unhealthy Eritrean trait).
The news from home stating that some body is arrested or some one has disappeared or some people have fled is falling in to deaf ears in many instances .Arrest, roundup, illegal seizure, beating, endless servitude, rape, and all kinds of abuse are becoming everyday Eritrean staples under the terrorist regime of Issias Afewerki .In the many public gathering and meeting of Eritreans here in the united states the talk is full of "KUSTO ,TEASIRU,KUSTO DEHAYU YELEN, BEALL EGELE HADIMOM....(meaning =some one has been arrested, there is no news of some body, or some people have fled..)
In the unforgiving political terrain of Eritrea, no one forgives no body and there is no room for compromise or dialogue .In-fact compromise and the word” I am sorry or I apologize" are on the verge of extinction all together. Some countries risk the loss and extinction of their fauna or flora, Eritrea and Eritreans are losing their God given decency and normality. The brutal Orwellian political system and life inside Eritrea is affecting almost all Eritrean religious, social, economic and civic life affair as well. Though the PFDJ clique is a class by itself in this destructive behavior, unfortunately it has many followers all over the world. Eritreans have a hard time working together or reaching a consensus regarding many issues. Several Eritreans couldn’t even work together for short period of time. There is a huge degree of mistrust and hatred among Eritrean groups and different personality’s .Anger, rage, chaos, bewilderment and unbelievable ignorance is in the air. This is a sad but true state of Eritrea and Eritreans now days all over the world. Various Eritreans (both as a group and individual) are having a hard time concentrating on issues and seeing clearly the obstacles and the solutions to problems. The democratic opposition to the Asmara regime, though it has a lot of decent honorable people, its existence is in precarious situation, let alone facing and challenging the tyrannical regime in Eritrea. As of this writing, not a single Eritrean village or town is under the opposition’s control. The resistance seems waiting for a miracle to happen. This kind of insane politics is unheard of in Africa or in any other third world countries with similar background.
Now a days many Eritreans join the opposition parties or groups just for "WEREQET"(to get asylum support letter for their petition in the immigration offices).Ask any young Eritrean why he/she joins such and such movement .They will tell you on your face just NWEREQET( For asylum support letter).After they get their "WEREQET' and approval of asylum by the host government ,many will not even remember the name of the group or party they first join in. This is the factual reality of politics, Eritrean style. Many disappointed Eritreans have resolved to their fate under such circumstances. Some opt to lick the boots of the butchers of Eritrea, just to go home, buy some land or sleep with some poor girls over there. Some have decided not to have anything with Eritrean politics what so ever. Still some more resort to alcohol and stuff and lead a very uneventful dull life. The only commonality to many Eritreans all over is the never changing love of dance and the GUWYLA. The sadistic regime in Asmara has a password for this malaise and utter weakness of Eritreans and keeps on churning and sending different musicians and singers year after year Festival after festival. It is common and even expected practice ,to attend a political meeting for one hour or so and then dance "gwayla" for two three hours after that .Eritrean dance regarding almost any occasion. They dance and dance and dance more any time of the year. Eritrteans, specially the highlanders(the majority of muslim Eritreans are free of such idolatry and madness) have an amazing and yet scarry obsession in the verge of idolatry with dancing! While the nation is burning and dying and crying for help, Eritreans keep on dancing and this foolishness is shared equally between the PFDJ worshippers and the opposition groups. I remember attending an opposition sponsored meeting some time ago. The meeting was about the overall sad situation in Eritrea and its impact on its people. Speaker after speaker were addressing the hellish life inside Eritrea and how the international community was quiet and not taking actions. A very somber meeting full of tragic stories and events from home. I was one of among the many sad and depressed faces in the hall. The meeting ended by passing resolutions and communiqués. Then an announcer told that after the meeting there is going to be...........(you guessed it) G.W.A.Y.L A and TSEWETA(dancing)!!!!
The somber and gloomy faces of quite some time ago were jumping and howling like the zebras and impalas of the SERENGETI! Some were jumping high, others were bending their back like plastic others were moving their neck left and right fast like a table tennis player .still others were circling and circling and keep on circling in the endless circle dance of the Tigrinya speakers. I ask my self” what is there to celebrate and dance for?" "What kind of stupidity is this" Does God has created other foolish people too?" Is it not a time of prayer, solitude and deep sadness on what is taking place in our land?. To be honest there is nothing: normal" among today’s Eritrea and Eritreans. Every thing is full of Orwellian tragic tales and plain insanity. Deceit, betrayal, cruelty, opportunistic behavior, malice, ignorant racism and foolishness are becoming the defining trade marks of Eritreans .And this is very good news indeed to the PFDJ regime. The over all political, social and civic status is unhealthy and unacceptable. It needs massive overhaul and great correction. Doing something over and over again and expecting different result is insanity as many wise men have said it before. But this sign of insanity is not exclusively for PFDJ and its leaders only .All of us are at high risk of participating and contributing to this lunacy roulette and act of ruin .Whether we like it or not a chronic political illness, confusion, chaos and identity crisis is lurking in to Eritrean psyche at high speed. The famous Eritrean spirit known for its tenacity and resolve is being replaced by unstable minds, crushed spirits and racist attitudes. One of the lasting legacies of the Orwellian government of Mr. Issias Afewerki is the systematic, secretive, deliberate and brutally efficient mutilation of the Eritrean spirit and psyche. Look at the photos of our grand fathers and fathers and see how they shine and glow even from the old pictures. Men of honor, reputation, truth and faith they live and died with dignity. Look at the current PFDJ virus infected generation: disheveled, broken, full of lie and betrayal, no faith or fear of God what so ever, full of fear and terror, living like a rabbit and dying like a rat! Yes, this is painful and heart breaking to many Eritreans, but that is the factual state of affair of our life.
In the final analysis, the question is there a hope? Is there a chance, even a slim one, of returning to normalcy? This is a million dollar question with no easy answer. As almost any thing in this earth, one couldn’t be totally pessimistic and hopeless .There are a lot of instances in history where seemingly doomed to failure causes turn around for the better. There are also countless situations where things might deteriorate even further. Some brutally terrorized societies have bounced back and are leading normal life. Others are unlucky and are descending further and deeper to mayhem and pandemonium. To know which societies have rebounded back and which are still living in terror and darkness and are spiraling downwards is not as difficult as a rocket science. Any one who listens and follow the news will have a clear picture of what I am saying about. Let’s work, hope and pray incessantly that we will be counted among the fortunate few.
Saturday, September 29, 2007
A Tale Of Two Leaders By Milkias Mihretab Yohannes
Sep 28, 2007
“Be careful of the Georgian….he seems to be driven by hate and vile” Lenin’s letter to Kamanev warning about Joseph Stalin
Throughout man kind's history, people have been led or forced to be led and governed by other people commonly called leaders. They have different forms, style of governance, personality, attitude, ambition, state of mind etc
Their action or failure to act can affect the lives of millions both inside and outside their realm of power and sphere of influence. Some leader's action and legacy still haunt and cast shadow on their countrymen way after their death. Stalin and Tito, Siad Barre and Amin are some of the prime examples .Today almost all countries and territories are led by some kind of leaders or leadership. They can have different forms and names. Some are different only in names but quite similar in their way of leadership. Some leaders are quite visionary and loved by many still some are mysterious and of questionable character and state of mind. Few are really funny to the casual observer. The Midget they call dear leader, great leader, beloved father, undestructable comrade etc (the man has thousands of other titles), Kim Jong ILL of North Korea, is a good icon of depravity or fun to those who are fascinated with political farce and travesty.
The purpose of this article is not to comment or scrutinize on the leaders of the world. That would be a mammoth task which requires a huge amount of time and know-how. But I want to say something about two leaders whom I knew and experience well. I want to say a bit about these two individuals who happen to be leaders and their character and the effect it had on me and others .I want to write about these two leaders and their deed and what happens to millions of my countrymen and women, my neighbors and the world at large.
Let me begin from the leader of my country Eritrea, Isaias Afeworki. For many people this name denotes wretchedness and misery, terror and unimaginable repression. The lives of countless people have been scarred for ever largely because of the unbelievably reckless actions of Mr. Afewerki. The name Isaias Afewerki and Eritrea have been intertwined for almost 4 decades now. In fact the term” leader” doesn’t suitably describe Isaias’ style of leadership and who really he is. An absolute despot with more power than many Monarchs, he is the main reason behind all the recent tragedies of Eritreans and their neighbors. A very intelligent person with vindictive mentality, a man of immense energy with vile against his fellow Eritreans, and others, Isaias will be remembered as the fastest destroyer of a nation and its dreams. A charismatic person with high command of several languages, Isaias is one of the few people in history with no moral compass whatsoever. Like Stalin and Saddam the primary motive behind Isaias’ action is hate and insecurity. Many politicians, diplomats, foreign and local observers are baffled by this bizarre personality of Isaias. So far no one explains the rational if any, behind all this psychosis. Isaias Afewerki is one of the extraordinary people who love abyss and hate normalcy.
It is incorrect to put the Eritrean leader with the league of dictators and other autocrats currently or in history. There are clear explanations and even scientific reasoning for all the fanatical and unstable leaders of the past and nowadays. From Romania’s Dracula dictator Ceausescu to all the tyrants of Say, Haiti one can find some cogent and some kind of philosophy behind all the recklessness. Some of them were destroying their homeland ,while they think they are building or forging new society or social order .They were (are) led by some kind of principle, vision or goals, however twisted or unreal as it may be. From Mengistu Hailemariam’s vision of communist Ethiopia, to Castro’s Cuba, one can find some kind of raison d’être and even defend some of the action behind the “action” or the dream however wrong it may be. But there is none what so ever in Isaias and his leadership. Is Isaias a communist? Is he a fundamentalist? What is Isaias’ philosophy or guiding principle? Is he supremacist? Is he fascist? Is he Eritrean ultra nationalist? There is nothing to describe Isaias from the political dictionaries available in the world. The only explanation is PURE AND SIMPLE MADNESS AND HALLUCINATION at its best form!
A leader of one of the poorest nation in the world (even by African standard), dreams of changing the nation in to South Korea or Singapore overnight. Even the devil himself will have a hard time achieving this previously unheard and unseen magic. In a country without constitution and any kind of rule of law what so ever, the “man” hallucinates in to becoming Taiwanese or Korean over night! Even the strongest Cocaine or heroine will not help in becoming high to such degree. The latest hallucination is Sri Lanka (maybe Sri Lanka is a fellow African nation and we all have a responsibility to help our African Sri Lankan brothers).
The daydreams and bizarre actions of Isaias Afewerki are endless. Though it may look funny some times, it is sad to see a nation being destroyed by such reckless person. Hundreds of thousands paid in limb and life to be free and independent. Thanks To Isaias, Eritrea is now one of the worst place in earth to live by…….The only nation in Africa with out free press, the only country with out constitution, the only country with out a functioning Parliament, the only country with out annual budgetary report, the only country where you serve in the national service indefinitely …….The list is too long. The country Eritrea is full of the only country with out this, the only nation with out that! Etc
Today Tens of thousands of Eritreans fled and are still fleeing the oppressive regime of Isaias and his PFDJ thugs. Millions are living in fear and terror back home in Eritrea. The economy is in shambles and there is no hope for Eritreans under Isaias except to flee to what ever country they can. The nation is dying slowly in front of our own eyes and no one seems to care for long time Thanks to a leader whom many Eritreans used to call “wedi Afe” affectionately , Eritrea is on the waiting list to be nominated to the “prestigious” club of “NATIONS WHO SPONSOR TERRORISM! .As an Eritrean, it is excruciating to watch the daily torment of millions of my countrymen .It is also sad to see the world so oblivious for long time, though it seems now almost any one will agree as to how cruel and vicious dictator Isaias is . Many Eritreans and others like the writer of this article are puzzled and even confused by this out of the ordinary personality of Mr. Isaias Afewerki of Eritrea. Meanwhile the damage and carnage went on unabated and only God knows when all this destructive behavior will stop.
Let me come now to the other leader whose deed or fault affects other countless millions- the leader, Meles Zenawi of the Federal republic of Ethiopia, Prime Minster to be exact. As a Journalist, as a person who spent his formative years in Ethiopia and as a casual observer I have been following Ethiopian politics for some time. Meles, a former Marxist student and rebel leader is one of Africa’s most respected statesmen. Even his ardent opponents can’t help but have a high regard for Mr. Zenawi’s sheer genius and intelligence. A humble person with endless love for books (unusual for horn of Africa leaders), he is gradually transforming one of the poorest nation in the world in to one of African Economic success story. Yes there are still massive problems (both inherited from past and created by Mr. Meles’ Policies), but despite all these, Meles is of the few African Leaders with big heart and tolerance and dedication to growth and alleviation of dire poverty. Ethiopia’s history is full of greedy leaders who don’t really care for their subjects and will not hesitate to wipe even the whole nation just to stay in power. The recent history of Ethiopia is filled with blood shade and mass graves. Today things have changed dramatically, thanks to the wise and resolute leadership of Meles and the Ruling EPRDF party. Many people who came from a visit to Ethiopia, describe of massive political, social and economic change taking place in Ethiopia. Without a doubt a great deal of this is attributed to Meles Zenawi and his responsible leadership.
In today’s Ethiopia, at least people can hope! One can hope to go to colleges and Universities that have mushroomed after EPRDF’S victory in 1991.( In contrast the only University In Eritrea is on the verge of closure ,its sellout president on extended vacation somewhere in the US). Any Ethiopian can hope of launching a business or starting a career, Ethiopians are guaranteed by law of movement anywhere both inside and out side their country. An Eritrean is asked for a special pass even inside the capital city. Any Ethiopian can form and join a political party as long as it is non violent and respect the constitution of the land. Eritreans have no right what so ever and let alone forming political associations, gathering of more than three people is seen as suspicious activity by the security forces of Mr. Isaias. Ethiopians are free to follow and worship any kind of religion and faith with out fear and worry of repercussion by the establishment. A testament to the fine leadership of Mr. Meles Zenawi, millions of Ethiopians freely worship their creator without apprehension of any kind what so ever! From the peace loving Jehovah’s witnesses to the unity seeking Bahais, Muslims to Jews, Ethiopia and Ethiopians are under unprecedented freedom of religion in their history. Meanwhile Eritrean men and women of faith are under the most difficult times in the history of religion. Thousands of people have been arrested, tortured, killed simply because they refused to renounce their God and worship Isaias the modern day Pharaoh. Eritrean dungeons are full of believers and their cry for justice. Atheist Isaias has waged war on Almighty God and his people and just like many before him he will be thrown in to the dustbin of history soon. One can list many illustrations about the hellish life Eritreans are leading under Demagogue Isaias and the many amenities Ethiopians take for granted.
In today’s Eritrea, people are not comparing Isaias with Meles as there is no similarity what so ever but in strange irony of things many Eritreans are longing for the good old days of Mengistu Hailemariam (yes that is true!). Many will tell you either privately or openly-“KABZIS DERGI YIHAYISH ABEY NABEY”. Meaning, “Derg is much better than this regime” As my Eritrean friend said the other day, “Mengistu is mother Theresa when compared with the callous Isaias”.
History will render its judgment on Isaias and Meles. Eritreans have already rendered their judgment on their “killer-son” leader. Many Eritreans begun to awake and realize how horrible things are in Eritrea. They are beginning to denounce the leader who is the source of the entire calamity that befall on little Eritrea. A lot of Eritreans are cursing the unstable leader who made their land a farmer without a farm, teacher without a student, a merchant without a shop and above all the most disturbing of all, mothers without children. Thousands of young Eritreans have perished in many of the adventurous wars and invasions of Isaias. Many innocent souls have died just to satisfy the megalomaniac lust for power and prestige of tyrant Isasias Afewerki. In one of the most cruel and sadistic acts of history, Eritrean mothers are told to dance and ululate because their children have died for the glory and clout of Isaias. Today the world seems to grasp the whole picture of life and tragedy taking place in Eritrea. Many passionate supporters of Isaias have now realized how evil and manipulative he is. I only hope and pray it is not too late and the whole nation is salvageable.
“Be careful of the Georgian….he seems to be driven by hate and vile” Lenin’s letter to Kamanev warning about Joseph Stalin
Throughout man kind's history, people have been led or forced to be led and governed by other people commonly called leaders. They have different forms, style of governance, personality, attitude, ambition, state of mind etc
Their action or failure to act can affect the lives of millions both inside and outside their realm of power and sphere of influence. Some leader's action and legacy still haunt and cast shadow on their countrymen way after their death. Stalin and Tito, Siad Barre and Amin are some of the prime examples .Today almost all countries and territories are led by some kind of leaders or leadership. They can have different forms and names. Some are different only in names but quite similar in their way of leadership. Some leaders are quite visionary and loved by many still some are mysterious and of questionable character and state of mind. Few are really funny to the casual observer. The Midget they call dear leader, great leader, beloved father, undestructable comrade etc (the man has thousands of other titles), Kim Jong ILL of North Korea, is a good icon of depravity or fun to those who are fascinated with political farce and travesty.
The purpose of this article is not to comment or scrutinize on the leaders of the world. That would be a mammoth task which requires a huge amount of time and know-how. But I want to say something about two leaders whom I knew and experience well. I want to say a bit about these two individuals who happen to be leaders and their character and the effect it had on me and others .I want to write about these two leaders and their deed and what happens to millions of my countrymen and women, my neighbors and the world at large.
Let me begin from the leader of my country Eritrea, Isaias Afeworki. For many people this name denotes wretchedness and misery, terror and unimaginable repression. The lives of countless people have been scarred for ever largely because of the unbelievably reckless actions of Mr. Afewerki. The name Isaias Afewerki and Eritrea have been intertwined for almost 4 decades now. In fact the term” leader” doesn’t suitably describe Isaias’ style of leadership and who really he is. An absolute despot with more power than many Monarchs, he is the main reason behind all the recent tragedies of Eritreans and their neighbors. A very intelligent person with vindictive mentality, a man of immense energy with vile against his fellow Eritreans, and others, Isaias will be remembered as the fastest destroyer of a nation and its dreams. A charismatic person with high command of several languages, Isaias is one of the few people in history with no moral compass whatsoever. Like Stalin and Saddam the primary motive behind Isaias’ action is hate and insecurity. Many politicians, diplomats, foreign and local observers are baffled by this bizarre personality of Isaias. So far no one explains the rational if any, behind all this psychosis. Isaias Afewerki is one of the extraordinary people who love abyss and hate normalcy.
It is incorrect to put the Eritrean leader with the league of dictators and other autocrats currently or in history. There are clear explanations and even scientific reasoning for all the fanatical and unstable leaders of the past and nowadays. From Romania’s Dracula dictator Ceausescu to all the tyrants of Say, Haiti one can find some cogent and some kind of philosophy behind all the recklessness. Some of them were destroying their homeland ,while they think they are building or forging new society or social order .They were (are) led by some kind of principle, vision or goals, however twisted or unreal as it may be. From Mengistu Hailemariam’s vision of communist Ethiopia, to Castro’s Cuba, one can find some kind of raison d’être and even defend some of the action behind the “action” or the dream however wrong it may be. But there is none what so ever in Isaias and his leadership. Is Isaias a communist? Is he a fundamentalist? What is Isaias’ philosophy or guiding principle? Is he supremacist? Is he fascist? Is he Eritrean ultra nationalist? There is nothing to describe Isaias from the political dictionaries available in the world. The only explanation is PURE AND SIMPLE MADNESS AND HALLUCINATION at its best form!
A leader of one of the poorest nation in the world (even by African standard), dreams of changing the nation in to South Korea or Singapore overnight. Even the devil himself will have a hard time achieving this previously unheard and unseen magic. In a country without constitution and any kind of rule of law what so ever, the “man” hallucinates in to becoming Taiwanese or Korean over night! Even the strongest Cocaine or heroine will not help in becoming high to such degree. The latest hallucination is Sri Lanka (maybe Sri Lanka is a fellow African nation and we all have a responsibility to help our African Sri Lankan brothers).
The daydreams and bizarre actions of Isaias Afewerki are endless. Though it may look funny some times, it is sad to see a nation being destroyed by such reckless person. Hundreds of thousands paid in limb and life to be free and independent. Thanks To Isaias, Eritrea is now one of the worst place in earth to live by…….The only nation in Africa with out free press, the only country with out constitution, the only country with out a functioning Parliament, the only country with out annual budgetary report, the only country where you serve in the national service indefinitely …….The list is too long. The country Eritrea is full of the only country with out this, the only nation with out that! Etc
Today Tens of thousands of Eritreans fled and are still fleeing the oppressive regime of Isaias and his PFDJ thugs. Millions are living in fear and terror back home in Eritrea. The economy is in shambles and there is no hope for Eritreans under Isaias except to flee to what ever country they can. The nation is dying slowly in front of our own eyes and no one seems to care for long time Thanks to a leader whom many Eritreans used to call “wedi Afe” affectionately , Eritrea is on the waiting list to be nominated to the “prestigious” club of “NATIONS WHO SPONSOR TERRORISM! .As an Eritrean, it is excruciating to watch the daily torment of millions of my countrymen .It is also sad to see the world so oblivious for long time, though it seems now almost any one will agree as to how cruel and vicious dictator Isaias is . Many Eritreans and others like the writer of this article are puzzled and even confused by this out of the ordinary personality of Mr. Isaias Afewerki of Eritrea. Meanwhile the damage and carnage went on unabated and only God knows when all this destructive behavior will stop.
Let me come now to the other leader whose deed or fault affects other countless millions- the leader, Meles Zenawi of the Federal republic of Ethiopia, Prime Minster to be exact. As a Journalist, as a person who spent his formative years in Ethiopia and as a casual observer I have been following Ethiopian politics for some time. Meles, a former Marxist student and rebel leader is one of Africa’s most respected statesmen. Even his ardent opponents can’t help but have a high regard for Mr. Zenawi’s sheer genius and intelligence. A humble person with endless love for books (unusual for horn of Africa leaders), he is gradually transforming one of the poorest nation in the world in to one of African Economic success story. Yes there are still massive problems (both inherited from past and created by Mr. Meles’ Policies), but despite all these, Meles is of the few African Leaders with big heart and tolerance and dedication to growth and alleviation of dire poverty. Ethiopia’s history is full of greedy leaders who don’t really care for their subjects and will not hesitate to wipe even the whole nation just to stay in power. The recent history of Ethiopia is filled with blood shade and mass graves. Today things have changed dramatically, thanks to the wise and resolute leadership of Meles and the Ruling EPRDF party. Many people who came from a visit to Ethiopia, describe of massive political, social and economic change taking place in Ethiopia. Without a doubt a great deal of this is attributed to Meles Zenawi and his responsible leadership.
In today’s Ethiopia, at least people can hope! One can hope to go to colleges and Universities that have mushroomed after EPRDF’S victory in 1991.( In contrast the only University In Eritrea is on the verge of closure ,its sellout president on extended vacation somewhere in the US). Any Ethiopian can hope of launching a business or starting a career, Ethiopians are guaranteed by law of movement anywhere both inside and out side their country. An Eritrean is asked for a special pass even inside the capital city. Any Ethiopian can form and join a political party as long as it is non violent and respect the constitution of the land. Eritreans have no right what so ever and let alone forming political associations, gathering of more than three people is seen as suspicious activity by the security forces of Mr. Isaias. Ethiopians are free to follow and worship any kind of religion and faith with out fear and worry of repercussion by the establishment. A testament to the fine leadership of Mr. Meles Zenawi, millions of Ethiopians freely worship their creator without apprehension of any kind what so ever! From the peace loving Jehovah’s witnesses to the unity seeking Bahais, Muslims to Jews, Ethiopia and Ethiopians are under unprecedented freedom of religion in their history. Meanwhile Eritrean men and women of faith are under the most difficult times in the history of religion. Thousands of people have been arrested, tortured, killed simply because they refused to renounce their God and worship Isaias the modern day Pharaoh. Eritrean dungeons are full of believers and their cry for justice. Atheist Isaias has waged war on Almighty God and his people and just like many before him he will be thrown in to the dustbin of history soon. One can list many illustrations about the hellish life Eritreans are leading under Demagogue Isaias and the many amenities Ethiopians take for granted.
In today’s Eritrea, people are not comparing Isaias with Meles as there is no similarity what so ever but in strange irony of things many Eritreans are longing for the good old days of Mengistu Hailemariam (yes that is true!). Many will tell you either privately or openly-“KABZIS DERGI YIHAYISH ABEY NABEY”. Meaning, “Derg is much better than this regime” As my Eritrean friend said the other day, “Mengistu is mother Theresa when compared with the callous Isaias”.
History will render its judgment on Isaias and Meles. Eritreans have already rendered their judgment on their “killer-son” leader. Many Eritreans begun to awake and realize how horrible things are in Eritrea. They are beginning to denounce the leader who is the source of the entire calamity that befall on little Eritrea. A lot of Eritreans are cursing the unstable leader who made their land a farmer without a farm, teacher without a student, a merchant without a shop and above all the most disturbing of all, mothers without children. Thousands of young Eritreans have perished in many of the adventurous wars and invasions of Isaias. Many innocent souls have died just to satisfy the megalomaniac lust for power and prestige of tyrant Isasias Afewerki. In one of the most cruel and sadistic acts of history, Eritrean mothers are told to dance and ululate because their children have died for the glory and clout of Isaias. Today the world seems to grasp the whole picture of life and tragedy taking place in Eritrea. Many passionate supporters of Isaias have now realized how evil and manipulative he is. I only hope and pray it is not too late and the whole nation is salvageable.
Friday, September 21, 2007
Friday, September 14, 2007
URGENT APPEAL TO:Department of state
The Honorable Dr. Jendayi Frazer,
Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs,
Department of State,
Washington DC
Madam Secretary,
I am writing to you, not representing any political organization, but in my personal capacity, as a concerned American citizen of Eritrean origin. You will remember me, expressing grave concerns about the regime’s record of human rights violations and doubts about the possibility of a change of heart on the part of President Isaias Afwerki regarding the demands for democratic transition and observance of human rights. He has proved that he is not capable of change along those directions, and the victims of his detention centers and torture chambers provide ample evidence for this conclusion.
I have followed your thinking on the tragic situation in my homeland, including your latest remarks that sanctions are being considered as an option. From what I understand of your policy pronouncements so far, it seems that the basic rationale is that imposition of sanctions will induce change in the behavior of President’s Isaias in regard to his involvement in Somalia. His regime’s destabilizing activities in the Horn of Africa region is defined as an act of terrorism. What about the terrorism the regime has been perpetrating on its own population? Would that be forgotten if, for the sake of argument, Isaias decides to play by the rules of the game and stopped helping terrorist groups in Somalia and elsewhere?
As you are aware, the Eritrean government under President Isaias Afwerki has been committing serious violations of human rights over the past few years. At the risk of telling you what you already know, I must mention the fact that several appeals have been made by both Eritrean nationals and members of the international community addressing the following:
1. President Isaias ordered the arrest of many citizens, including former Ministers and generals of the national army. The detainees have been held incommunicado for six years, without charge. No one knows where they are, no lawyer or medical doctor of their choice can see them; their families are not allowed to visit them. Every time attempts are made to inquire into the reason for their arrest, the President and his spokesmen say that they committed acts of treason and sabotage without adducing evidence to support the claim. If there were any element of truth in the charge, the detainees would have been rushed to court and indicted immediately. Meanwhile the regime periodically unleashes a systematic hate campaign against them in order to have them condemned in the “court of public opinion.” But the public is not convinced of their guilt; far from it. Hence the decision of the government in not bringing them to court.
2. President Isaias has frustrated the democratic will of the people by suspending the implementation of the Constitution, using “the war with the Weyane” (Current Ethiopian government) and a “Weyane threat” as an excuse. With the suspension of the Constitution, the President has instituted an undeclared military government. All the civil rights guaranteed under the Constitution have been jettisoned, and the President rules by decree, using a captive “Parliament” to rubberstamp his decrees. And he dismissed the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court for pointing out that there was undue interference of the executive branch in judicial matters.
3. President Isiaias abolished the Private Newspapers that had made a promising beginning. He also arrested all their editors and principal reporters.
4. President Isaias has suppressed religious freedon and illegally deposed the Patriarch of the Orthodox Church.
5. In the most destructive move, the unelected President instituted a “national service” ordering an entire generation of Eritreans (the nation’s future) to be placed in military camps and trenches for an indefinite period of time. This is a most disruptive measure that is costing the nation immeasurably in wasted lives and squandered opportunities; hundreds of thousands of young p people (male and female) who could use their time to study and help their families and otherwise participate in the productive effort of a country have been forced to conditions of servitude without recourse and relief thus becoming demoralized. This we consider as an attack on our nation’s future. Thousands of youth have fled to neighboring countries, and beyond, at immense risk to their life. Indeed many have perished in the deserts of Libya and drowned at sea.
6. Being desperate for foreign exchange, the government has been confiscating hard currency brought by visiting members of their family who live in the Diaspora. The government has also been selling public land including to its bond-holders when the latter demanded the return of their money upon the maturation of the bond issued during the 1998-2000 war with Ethiopia. Such is its desperation, which has been aggravating its draconian measures and continued violation of human rights.
In view of the above, and considering the arrogant rejection by the government of Mr. Isaias Afwerki to all appeals, we have no alternative but to insist on requisite measures to sanction this lawless government. Without prejudice to your right to take or recommend sanctions that your government considers appropriate, I urge that the following measures be taken against the government of President Isaias Afwerki by the government of the United States:
1. A diplomatic boycott on President Isaias Afwerki and members of his cabinet of Ministers and other high-ranking members of his government, including refusal to issue visas.
2. Suspension of development aid, pending the implementation of the Constitution, the reinstatement of the Free Press and the release of all political prisoners.
3. Prohibition of all investments by American companies in Eritrea.
4. Causing the freezing of Eritrean assets in foreign banks.
5. Diplomatic campaign in support of the above-mentioned steps, especially in the European Union and its member governments.
I am confident that you will give this matter the attention it deserves. .
Respectfully,
Bereket Habte Selassie (Distinguished Professor)
The University of North Carolina, at Chapel Hill.
Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs,
Department of State,
Washington DC
Madam Secretary,
I am writing to you, not representing any political organization, but in my personal capacity, as a concerned American citizen of Eritrean origin. You will remember me, expressing grave concerns about the regime’s record of human rights violations and doubts about the possibility of a change of heart on the part of President Isaias Afwerki regarding the demands for democratic transition and observance of human rights. He has proved that he is not capable of change along those directions, and the victims of his detention centers and torture chambers provide ample evidence for this conclusion.
I have followed your thinking on the tragic situation in my homeland, including your latest remarks that sanctions are being considered as an option. From what I understand of your policy pronouncements so far, it seems that the basic rationale is that imposition of sanctions will induce change in the behavior of President’s Isaias in regard to his involvement in Somalia. His regime’s destabilizing activities in the Horn of Africa region is defined as an act of terrorism. What about the terrorism the regime has been perpetrating on its own population? Would that be forgotten if, for the sake of argument, Isaias decides to play by the rules of the game and stopped helping terrorist groups in Somalia and elsewhere?
As you are aware, the Eritrean government under President Isaias Afwerki has been committing serious violations of human rights over the past few years. At the risk of telling you what you already know, I must mention the fact that several appeals have been made by both Eritrean nationals and members of the international community addressing the following:
1. President Isaias ordered the arrest of many citizens, including former Ministers and generals of the national army. The detainees have been held incommunicado for six years, without charge. No one knows where they are, no lawyer or medical doctor of their choice can see them; their families are not allowed to visit them. Every time attempts are made to inquire into the reason for their arrest, the President and his spokesmen say that they committed acts of treason and sabotage without adducing evidence to support the claim. If there were any element of truth in the charge, the detainees would have been rushed to court and indicted immediately. Meanwhile the regime periodically unleashes a systematic hate campaign against them in order to have them condemned in the “court of public opinion.” But the public is not convinced of their guilt; far from it. Hence the decision of the government in not bringing them to court.
2. President Isaias has frustrated the democratic will of the people by suspending the implementation of the Constitution, using “the war with the Weyane” (Current Ethiopian government) and a “Weyane threat” as an excuse. With the suspension of the Constitution, the President has instituted an undeclared military government. All the civil rights guaranteed under the Constitution have been jettisoned, and the President rules by decree, using a captive “Parliament” to rubberstamp his decrees. And he dismissed the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court for pointing out that there was undue interference of the executive branch in judicial matters.
3. President Isiaias abolished the Private Newspapers that had made a promising beginning. He also arrested all their editors and principal reporters.
4. President Isaias has suppressed religious freedon and illegally deposed the Patriarch of the Orthodox Church.
5. In the most destructive move, the unelected President instituted a “national service” ordering an entire generation of Eritreans (the nation’s future) to be placed in military camps and trenches for an indefinite period of time. This is a most disruptive measure that is costing the nation immeasurably in wasted lives and squandered opportunities; hundreds of thousands of young p people (male and female) who could use their time to study and help their families and otherwise participate in the productive effort of a country have been forced to conditions of servitude without recourse and relief thus becoming demoralized. This we consider as an attack on our nation’s future. Thousands of youth have fled to neighboring countries, and beyond, at immense risk to their life. Indeed many have perished in the deserts of Libya and drowned at sea.
6. Being desperate for foreign exchange, the government has been confiscating hard currency brought by visiting members of their family who live in the Diaspora. The government has also been selling public land including to its bond-holders when the latter demanded the return of their money upon the maturation of the bond issued during the 1998-2000 war with Ethiopia. Such is its desperation, which has been aggravating its draconian measures and continued violation of human rights.
In view of the above, and considering the arrogant rejection by the government of Mr. Isaias Afwerki to all appeals, we have no alternative but to insist on requisite measures to sanction this lawless government. Without prejudice to your right to take or recommend sanctions that your government considers appropriate, I urge that the following measures be taken against the government of President Isaias Afwerki by the government of the United States:
1. A diplomatic boycott on President Isaias Afwerki and members of his cabinet of Ministers and other high-ranking members of his government, including refusal to issue visas.
2. Suspension of development aid, pending the implementation of the Constitution, the reinstatement of the Free Press and the release of all political prisoners.
3. Prohibition of all investments by American companies in Eritrea.
4. Causing the freezing of Eritrean assets in foreign banks.
5. Diplomatic campaign in support of the above-mentioned steps, especially in the European Union and its member governments.
I am confident that you will give this matter the attention it deserves. .
Respectfully,
Bereket Habte Selassie (Distinguished Professor)
The University of North Carolina, at Chapel Hill.
Saturday, September 08, 2007
ዘበነ ዓገብ
Friday, 07 September 2007
ዘበነ ዓገብ
ዘበነ ዓገብ ዶ በጺሕካ
ትማሊ ዓገብ ዝበሉኻ ዊሒጥካ
ብትዕቢት ትምክሕቲ ከምዘይተዛረብካ
ዝናዓቕካዮ ህዝቢ ሓገዙ ኣድልዩካ
ኣበይ እሞ ሕጂ ከድሕነካ
ጭራ ነብሪ እንዲኻ ዓትዒትካ
ጫማ ኣግፊሕካ ጠፊኡካ ዕቅንካ
ኣተርክሶ ጭሕምኻ ተማሃር ካብ ብጾትካ::
ጉድ እኮ ኢና ክንሰምዕ
ዓገብ ንዝበሎ ዘጥፍእ ዝበልዕ
ምልኪ ንምዕቃብ ብሃገር ዝጣላዕ
ክንዲ ዝስተር መሊሱ ይቕላዕ
ንብዓት ሓርገጽ ዘይፈልጥ ሪኢናዮ ክነብዕ::
ናቱስ ከኣ ደሓን ንስልጣኑ
ገደደ ናይቶም ንዕኡ ዝኣምኑ
ዝበሎም ክገብሩ ማይ ዝሓቕኑ
ናብ ዘይሰምዖም ደብሪ ዝደኑ::
ሓባል መጠመቲኣ ከም ትኩሓል
ዝጸቕጠካ እምኒ ንምንታይ ትፍንቕል
ትማሊ ከይዘራእካ ሎሚ ክትጉልጉል
ፍረ ትምክሕትኻ ሃየ በል ተቐበል::
ኻልድ ዓብዱ
ዮንሾቢንግ, ስዊድን
06/09/2007
ዘበነ ዓገብ
ዘበነ ዓገብ ዶ በጺሕካ
ትማሊ ዓገብ ዝበሉኻ ዊሒጥካ
ብትዕቢት ትምክሕቲ ከምዘይተዛረብካ
ዝናዓቕካዮ ህዝቢ ሓገዙ ኣድልዩካ
ኣበይ እሞ ሕጂ ከድሕነካ
ጭራ ነብሪ እንዲኻ ዓትዒትካ
ጫማ ኣግፊሕካ ጠፊኡካ ዕቅንካ
ኣተርክሶ ጭሕምኻ ተማሃር ካብ ብጾትካ::
ጉድ እኮ ኢና ክንሰምዕ
ዓገብ ንዝበሎ ዘጥፍእ ዝበልዕ
ምልኪ ንምዕቃብ ብሃገር ዝጣላዕ
ክንዲ ዝስተር መሊሱ ይቕላዕ
ንብዓት ሓርገጽ ዘይፈልጥ ሪኢናዮ ክነብዕ::
ናቱስ ከኣ ደሓን ንስልጣኑ
ገደደ ናይቶም ንዕኡ ዝኣምኑ
ዝበሎም ክገብሩ ማይ ዝሓቕኑ
ናብ ዘይሰምዖም ደብሪ ዝደኑ::
ሓባል መጠመቲኣ ከም ትኩሓል
ዝጸቕጠካ እምኒ ንምንታይ ትፍንቕል
ትማሊ ከይዘራእካ ሎሚ ክትጉልጉል
ፍረ ትምክሕትኻ ሃየ በል ተቐበል::
ኻልድ ዓብዱ
ዮንሾቢንግ, ስዊድን
06/09/2007
(Eritrea and Terrorism) Terrorism: in the Nature of the PFDJ
Terrorism: in the Nature of the PFDJ
05 Sep, 2007
Yosief Ghebrhiwet
(Eritrea and Terrorism)
If one is to understand the nature of terrorism that the Isayas regime sponsors, one has to primarily look at the nature of the PFDJ itself, especially those factors that make it unique among terrorism sponsoring organizations; for, in this case, the nature of the problem recommends its own solution. Two factors are often mentioned as to why the Eritrean state ought to be included in the state sponsors of terrorism list: for conducting domestic terrorism against its own people and for sponsoring regional terrorism. But there is a third one we haven’t looked so far: it is in the nature of PFDJ to conduct its affairs through confrontation only; as a dysfunctional entity, it knows no other way to relate itself to others. In assessing PFDJ’s “personality”, one has to look at its behavioral past, the principle that guides that behavior and the way it translates that principle on the ground.
The brand of terrorism that PFDJ espouses cannot be seen differently from the nature of PFDJ itself. First, the only “ideology” that explains almost every action that this organization has taken since its inception (as Shaebia) – that of “vulgar pragmatism” – also happens to explain best its brand of terrorism. Second, the “terrorism variable” permeates and dominates almost every aspect of decision taken in its domestic, regional and foreign policies as no other variable does; that is, the terrorism policy has attained an overarching status. And third, the terrorism we are witnessing today simply happens to be the logical extension of its confrontational past, where it used to get things done through force only. Although aspects of these three factors are to be found among the terrorism-sponsoring states, it is only in the Eritrean case that they converge in their unadulterated forms. Lets now look at these three factors in detail.
Vulgar pragmatism at work
Shaebia’s overarching “principle,” one that guides it in whatever it does, has been its vulgar pragmatism. The vulgar twist in its pragmatism is explained by the fact that it is guided by NO other higher economic, social, political, ideological or moral principle. The single objective of this pragmatism always remains the same: “Self-preservation of the regime above everything else!” The means of achieving this objective is: “Whatever it takes!” The only inhibiting question that it asks in pursuing its objective is: “Can I get away with it?” And particularly now, at a time when the PFDJ believes that the only “weapon of choice” it has for enforcing its domestic, regional and foreign policies is terrorism, this “pragmatic” choice turns out to be a fait accompli.
Among the terrorism-sponsoring states, what commonly holds true is that they at least share the “cause” of the terrorist groups they sponsor, be it religious fundamentalism, ethnicism or communism. That is not the case with Eritrea. True to its vulgar pragmatism, the Isayas regime’s terrorism policy has no “higher” religious, racial, ethnic, political, humanitarian or ideological principle that guides it. When it supports the Islamic fundamentalists in Somalia, it is not because it shares their religious zealotry. When it supports the South Sudanese, it is not because it sympathizes with them in their racial grievances (against the Arabs in the North). When it supports disgruntled Tigray elements, it is not because of ethnic solidarity. When it supports the Darfur cause, it is not because of the humanitarian disaster that has been unfolding in that region. When it supports many “democratic” elements from Ethiopia, it is not because it shares their concern for democracy. A good evidence that it doesn’t give a damn about the “causes” of these rebel groups is the fact that at the moment anyone of them fails to fit in its calculation of the survival game it pursues ruthlessly, it drops it nonchalantly with no qualms at all; the Sudanese story is a case in point.
The fact that the terrorism policy of the Isayas regime has an enduring pragmatic twist shouldn’t be confused for it being less pernicious than the ideologically driven ones, for it is precisely the lack of a higher guiding principle that makes it an enduring and ubiquitous phenomenon in whatever it does. It is probably instructional to notice that, odd as it may seem, there is something central to what they do that terrorism-sponsoring states and terrorism-fighting states share in common: an appeal to a higher cause. The former appeal to their fundamentalist ideologies for guidance. The latter appeal to liberal democracy for motivation to fight back. In the hands of the principle-less Shaebia though, terrorism becomes an extension of its confrontational past, a pragmatic tool of choice. And as such, while it keeps dropping one “cause” and adopting another, what remains invariable is the tool itself: terrorism. It is a habit instilled in it through decades of confrontation, one that it cannot wean itself out of, short of its final demise. In short, terrorism has become part of what it is, something that it cannot hold apart from itself.
The PFDJ’s confrontational past
There is something foolhardy, yet consistent, about PFDJ’s confrontational past in that it fails to discriminate among its “enemies,” irrespective of their weaknesses or strengths. It adopts the same confrontational stance in solving its “problems” against defenseless individuals (the elderly mediators, parents of deserters, handicapped veterans, etc.), influential foreign diplomats (ex: Ambassador Bandini), indispensable NGOs (ex: USAID), international media (BBC, Reuters, etc.) prestigious world institutions (Red Cross, UN, etc.) giant neighboring countries (Yemen, Sudan and Ethiopia) and mighty world powers (US and EU). In enforcing its domestic terrorism policy, it puts helpless elderly mediators and aging parents of deserters and draft dodgers behind bars. In pursuing its regional policy, it picks fights with all the neighboring countries and turns itself into a hub of all types of disgruntled elements. In enforcing its confrontational foreign policy, it bullies the UN (constraining their movement, shutting off their information outlets, selectively expelling their staff, etc.), harasses NGOs (constraining their activity, possessing their vehicles, expelling them out of the country, etc.) and antagonizes foreign diplomats (expels Ambassador Bandini, arrests American embassy employees, constrains the movements of Western diplomats, etc.). There is not a single major case in its past, where this organization (as PFDJ or as Shaebia) has solved its problem through peaceful means only. If this is not a well-established behavior of a dysfunctional entity whose confrontation-oriented worldview drives it to solve all of its perceived problems through confrontation only, nothing is. Thus, the Isayas regime’s excursion into easily identifiable form of terrorism (identifiable by the world body) is simply a logical extension of its confrontational past.
On first impression, it seems that this well established track of confrontational past of the regime goes against the pragmatism we are attributing to it, however vulgar it may be. But this needn’t be so, for Shaebia’s pragmatism has no inbuilt mechanism that warns it of impeding disaster. Its corrective mechanism works only after the fact; the only time it becomes aware of danger is when it is in the midst of it. It doesn’t allow itself any margin of error in whatever it does. It lacks eyes that warn it of an impeding wall ahead of it; the only way it would come to know about it is by bashing its head on it. The history of its mieda past is full of such wailing walls. That is why Shaebia’s history is a history of repeatedly coming back from the edge of disasters. And this phenomenon, instead of instilling caution in its behavior, has created a false sense of invincibility. The belief that it would eventually come out of any danger triumphant is the primary stuff out of which the true believers’ “Book of Miracles” is made. Now, it seems it has jumped into a quicksand where, unlike a wall, no bouncing back is ever possible.
Terrorism as a state policy
As a central policy for its survival, the PFDJ has been using terrorism as its main and only card in pursuing its domestic, regional and foreign policies. This record is unmatched by any other state sponsor of terror. Except for North Korea, none treats its own people the way the PFDJ does. And when it comes to outside its territory, North Korea’s terrorist threats have no bite at all.
In its domestic policy, the PFDJ gets things done through terror only. No consultations or legal proceedings are ever taken. If it wants land, it grabs it without any compensation. If an enterprise suddenly becomes profitable, it monopolizes it by bankrupting the “competing” merchants or businessmen. If it wants recruits for its army, it conducts giffa. If it wants to build a road, it uses slave labor. If it wants to stop desertion, it takes parents hostage. If it doesn’t like a religion, it throws its members into prison. That is how the government “communicates” with its subjects; it doesn’t know any better. That is how it is; violence is in its very nature.
The terror under which the Eritrean masses have been living is aptly summed up by a commentator by the name of Sereke who describes the nation as “the biggest open prison in the world.” That renders statements like “There are tens of thousands of prisoners in Eritrea” an understatement. To comprehend the labyrinthine prison system in Eritrea, think of a Warsai recently released from a prison, only to end up in “agelglot,” a huge prison in the wilderness, where hundreds of thousands of adults are quarantined for years without end. And if by any chance he succeeds in escaping from this hell-hole of never-ending slavery, he ends up somewhere in Eritrea where he has to remain hidden in fear – sometimes for years – until he either makes it to the neighboring countries or is fetched back by PFDJ authorities to repeat the same cycle of horror (if he is lucky). Probably, it is this state of a “prison within a prison within a prison” that describes the domestic terrorism in Eritrea the most. Imagine this system as being made of three concentric circles, one embedded in the other. In the outermost circle, we find four million inmates (the whole Eritrean population); in the middle circle, we finds the hundreds of thousands inmates (those in the military service); and in the inner most circle, we find the tens of thousands officially recognized prisoners. The misery index of a citizen is measured by how deep into this system of concentric circles he finds himself in.
PFDJ conducts its regional policy with the same ruthlessness and “pragmatism”. Eritrea’s neighbors (for instance, unlike North Korea's neighbors) are very susceptible to terrorism for various reasons. Ethnic, clan, religious, regional, racial and political strife is to be found in the region in abundance. With a willingness to arm, train and amply provide disgruntled elements, it is easy to exploit simmering antagonisms that have been there for decades and turn them into full blown confrontations. And that is what Eritrea has been doing; it has turned itself into a haven for all types of terrorists that are stocking the neighborhood. There is almost no armed movement in the region that at one time or another has not been supported by the regime. The despot’s intrusive hands are to be traced in all the recent terrorist undertakings in the region, including the hostage taking of the British and Ethiopian subjects in Afar and the on-going war in Somalia. Whatever the despot wants to achieve in the region is done through terrorism only; he cannot think of any other peaceful means to conduct his regional policy.
PFDJ’s confrontational foreign policy defines the relationship that it has had with three foreign entities that have been playing essential roles in the nation’s short history: NGOs, the UN and US (and EU). NGOs have played a vital role in staving off one disaster after another, beginning from Shaebia’s days in mieda to the border war; in the process, saving hundreds of thousands of lives from starvation. The UN, with its heavy presence in the TSZ, has been the sole guarantor of peace in the region for seven years; without its presence, we would have undergone many rounds of war by now. And the US and EU are two indispensable world powers who have helped the young nation economically more any other country in the world. Yet, in every single case, confrontation has been the only mode of communication that the dysfunctional government uses. Now there are no NGOs in the country; almost all of them have been expelled. It has also been abusing the UN from day one, as if it is some kind of foreign occupation force. And when it comes to the US, it has been stoking the embassy for years before it turned into a full blown opponent of American policy in the region.
The case of Sudan contains elements from the three terrorism policies mentioned above: domestic, regional and foreign. So lets take a closer look at it.
Blackmailing Sudan
The Sudanese case is a good example of how terrorism has evolved into the sole means through which the Isayas regime conducts its regional policy, one that is inextricably tied with its domestic and foreign policies. And not incidentally, the despot’s vulgar pragmatism seems to inform all the “diplomatic” maneuvers he takes in every turn of events.
Eritrea’s ever-gyrating relation with Sudan is a reflection of how the Isayas regime has been using the terrorism card “pragmatically,” for pragmatism demands that one be in accord with the varying, unfolding events. A few years back, the Asmara regime was the main supporter of all the rebel movements in South, East and West Sudan. With the peace agreement in South Sudan and with the newly found oil-wealth in the country, the Asmara regime realized that its chances of destabilizing Sudan to the extent it had aspired was getting slimmer by the day. Besides, the tension on its Ethiopian border was getting worse. So the despot decided to abruptly switch alliance, and dropped the “Darfur cause” and “convinced” the Eastern rebels to sit down at the peace table. After that, he became an ardent supporter of Sudan in the Darfur case, to the point of officially opposing “the UN interference in Sudan’s internal affair”.
The despot’s peace overtures to Sudan by no means indicate a change of heart in his terrorism policy. To the contrary, his professed eschewal of terrorism against Sudan is meant to pave the way for three other forms of terrorism, all dictated by changing times. First of all, in the case of Sudan itself, the tyrant has not abandoned terrorism as a weapon; he has only SUSPENDED it. It still exists in its potent form as a THREAT. He has left his options open by retaining an amiable relationship with most of the former rebel groups, in case he will need them sometime in the future. Eritrea’s dogged insistence to sit on the peace table – as a primary peace broker – in all the peace settlements that relate to Sudan is designed to keep its contact and influence with the rebel groups alive. The Sudanese government (another rogue state) realizes that it is being blackmailed. But at this point in time, with the ongoing conflict in Darfur and with all the fragile peace agreements still pending, it cannot afford to antagonize the Asmara regime. The Sudanese are no fools; they are only biding their time. And with their newly found wealth, it won’t be long before they turn the tables to their favor. For now though, they cannot but do Isayas’ bidding.
By successfully blackmailing Sudan, the despot has paved the way for two other forms of terrorism. One has to do with the domestic one. The Sudanese government has not only denied all opposition forces a foothold in its territory, it is also making life difficult for the Eritrean refugees; round-ups and threats of deportation have become daily reality to many of the refugees. It also gives a blind eye when the Eritrean army pursues deserters deep into its territory; and consequently, the military feels comfortable in ruthlessly implementing its shoot-at-sight policy on the Sudanese border. One of the main objectives that Isayas had in mind when he made peace with Sudan was to stem the flow of deserters, an alarming phenomenon that has been depleting the army at a fast rate (according to UNCHR, since 2003, more than 20 thousand refugees has made it to Sudan). Since Sudan has been the favorite destination for most of the escapees, that the despot saw a dividend in his rapprochement with the Sudanese government is only understandable. We could then easily see how regional terrorism (in its blackmail form) is used to foster domestic terrorism, which in turn would be used to extend the lifespan of the regime.
The other dividend that Isayas foresaw in the rapprochement was a safe passage to Ethiopia, one that would be used to transport all types of ethnic rebel movements that he has been grooming. With the TSZ spanning all along the Ethiopian-Eritrean border and with heavy militarization on both sides of the border, it has become next to impossible for Eritrea-based rebels to infiltrate Ethiopia through Eritrean territory. As soon as the Asmara regime made peace with Sudan, it began in earnest to transport these rebel elements through the Sudanese route. Given the long ragged borderline that Sudan shares with Ethiopia, this indeed makes strategic sense. The Sudanese are furious, but they have been giving it a blind eye for fear of jeopardizing the fragile peace treaties they had so laboriously clobbered together recently.
And last, we can even see how the tyrant is exploiting the situation in Sudan to conduct his foreign policy. His ambivalent stand on the Darfur conflict, supporting Sudan in its stand against the UN and the US while leaving his options with the rebel groups open, is an effort to make himself indispensable in the region; his message being that without him, the US would find it very difficult to make any peace agreement hold. In other words, he is attempting to blackmail the US into siding with him (at least, in not siding with Ethiopia), foolish as this endeavor may seem.
Conclusion
The purpose of this article has been to show that terrorism is in the nature of PFDJ. To talk about the PFDJ is to talk about its confrontational past, its vulgar pragmatism and its confrontational policy. First, in Shaebia’s past, there isn’t a single case where it has resolved a crisis through peaceful means; that, by itself, talks volumes. Second, the only “ideology” that this organization has been beholden to is that of vulgar pragmatism, where the end – the regime’s survival – justifies the means. And third, its domestic, regional and foreign policies are all conducted through terrorism, be it in its active or latent form.
If the above characterization of the PFDJ is true, the idea that it could be talked into changing its behavior is naïve. It is true when the despot has been cornered with his back on the wall; he is known to have momentarily relented, but only to revert back to his old confrontational habit once the pressure is lifted off him. That is to say, no weight should be given to his word, even if he is willing to suspend his activities in Somalia. He won’t rest until he finds ways of circumventing whatever restrictions are put on him.
We know that the US is currently considering to put Eritrea in the state sponsors of terror list. This article has been written with one single objective in mind: that, in its assessment, the US should pay enough attention to the dysfunctional nature of the PFDJ. It is not for nothing that one’s criminal records are always brought up in matters of importance, be in court or in employment. Similarly, PFDJ’s past, how it conducts its business and the ideology that guides its behavior are as good as anything in predicting its behavior in the future. This is an organization beyond redemption, and it should be treated as such.
05 Sep, 2007
Yosief Ghebrhiwet
(Eritrea and Terrorism)
If one is to understand the nature of terrorism that the Isayas regime sponsors, one has to primarily look at the nature of the PFDJ itself, especially those factors that make it unique among terrorism sponsoring organizations; for, in this case, the nature of the problem recommends its own solution. Two factors are often mentioned as to why the Eritrean state ought to be included in the state sponsors of terrorism list: for conducting domestic terrorism against its own people and for sponsoring regional terrorism. But there is a third one we haven’t looked so far: it is in the nature of PFDJ to conduct its affairs through confrontation only; as a dysfunctional entity, it knows no other way to relate itself to others. In assessing PFDJ’s “personality”, one has to look at its behavioral past, the principle that guides that behavior and the way it translates that principle on the ground.
The brand of terrorism that PFDJ espouses cannot be seen differently from the nature of PFDJ itself. First, the only “ideology” that explains almost every action that this organization has taken since its inception (as Shaebia) – that of “vulgar pragmatism” – also happens to explain best its brand of terrorism. Second, the “terrorism variable” permeates and dominates almost every aspect of decision taken in its domestic, regional and foreign policies as no other variable does; that is, the terrorism policy has attained an overarching status. And third, the terrorism we are witnessing today simply happens to be the logical extension of its confrontational past, where it used to get things done through force only. Although aspects of these three factors are to be found among the terrorism-sponsoring states, it is only in the Eritrean case that they converge in their unadulterated forms. Lets now look at these three factors in detail.
Vulgar pragmatism at work
Shaebia’s overarching “principle,” one that guides it in whatever it does, has been its vulgar pragmatism. The vulgar twist in its pragmatism is explained by the fact that it is guided by NO other higher economic, social, political, ideological or moral principle. The single objective of this pragmatism always remains the same: “Self-preservation of the regime above everything else!” The means of achieving this objective is: “Whatever it takes!” The only inhibiting question that it asks in pursuing its objective is: “Can I get away with it?” And particularly now, at a time when the PFDJ believes that the only “weapon of choice” it has for enforcing its domestic, regional and foreign policies is terrorism, this “pragmatic” choice turns out to be a fait accompli.
Among the terrorism-sponsoring states, what commonly holds true is that they at least share the “cause” of the terrorist groups they sponsor, be it religious fundamentalism, ethnicism or communism. That is not the case with Eritrea. True to its vulgar pragmatism, the Isayas regime’s terrorism policy has no “higher” religious, racial, ethnic, political, humanitarian or ideological principle that guides it. When it supports the Islamic fundamentalists in Somalia, it is not because it shares their religious zealotry. When it supports the South Sudanese, it is not because it sympathizes with them in their racial grievances (against the Arabs in the North). When it supports disgruntled Tigray elements, it is not because of ethnic solidarity. When it supports the Darfur cause, it is not because of the humanitarian disaster that has been unfolding in that region. When it supports many “democratic” elements from Ethiopia, it is not because it shares their concern for democracy. A good evidence that it doesn’t give a damn about the “causes” of these rebel groups is the fact that at the moment anyone of them fails to fit in its calculation of the survival game it pursues ruthlessly, it drops it nonchalantly with no qualms at all; the Sudanese story is a case in point.
The fact that the terrorism policy of the Isayas regime has an enduring pragmatic twist shouldn’t be confused for it being less pernicious than the ideologically driven ones, for it is precisely the lack of a higher guiding principle that makes it an enduring and ubiquitous phenomenon in whatever it does. It is probably instructional to notice that, odd as it may seem, there is something central to what they do that terrorism-sponsoring states and terrorism-fighting states share in common: an appeal to a higher cause. The former appeal to their fundamentalist ideologies for guidance. The latter appeal to liberal democracy for motivation to fight back. In the hands of the principle-less Shaebia though, terrorism becomes an extension of its confrontational past, a pragmatic tool of choice. And as such, while it keeps dropping one “cause” and adopting another, what remains invariable is the tool itself: terrorism. It is a habit instilled in it through decades of confrontation, one that it cannot wean itself out of, short of its final demise. In short, terrorism has become part of what it is, something that it cannot hold apart from itself.
The PFDJ’s confrontational past
There is something foolhardy, yet consistent, about PFDJ’s confrontational past in that it fails to discriminate among its “enemies,” irrespective of their weaknesses or strengths. It adopts the same confrontational stance in solving its “problems” against defenseless individuals (the elderly mediators, parents of deserters, handicapped veterans, etc.), influential foreign diplomats (ex: Ambassador Bandini), indispensable NGOs (ex: USAID), international media (BBC, Reuters, etc.) prestigious world institutions (Red Cross, UN, etc.) giant neighboring countries (Yemen, Sudan and Ethiopia) and mighty world powers (US and EU). In enforcing its domestic terrorism policy, it puts helpless elderly mediators and aging parents of deserters and draft dodgers behind bars. In pursuing its regional policy, it picks fights with all the neighboring countries and turns itself into a hub of all types of disgruntled elements. In enforcing its confrontational foreign policy, it bullies the UN (constraining their movement, shutting off their information outlets, selectively expelling their staff, etc.), harasses NGOs (constraining their activity, possessing their vehicles, expelling them out of the country, etc.) and antagonizes foreign diplomats (expels Ambassador Bandini, arrests American embassy employees, constrains the movements of Western diplomats, etc.). There is not a single major case in its past, where this organization (as PFDJ or as Shaebia) has solved its problem through peaceful means only. If this is not a well-established behavior of a dysfunctional entity whose confrontation-oriented worldview drives it to solve all of its perceived problems through confrontation only, nothing is. Thus, the Isayas regime’s excursion into easily identifiable form of terrorism (identifiable by the world body) is simply a logical extension of its confrontational past.
On first impression, it seems that this well established track of confrontational past of the regime goes against the pragmatism we are attributing to it, however vulgar it may be. But this needn’t be so, for Shaebia’s pragmatism has no inbuilt mechanism that warns it of impeding disaster. Its corrective mechanism works only after the fact; the only time it becomes aware of danger is when it is in the midst of it. It doesn’t allow itself any margin of error in whatever it does. It lacks eyes that warn it of an impeding wall ahead of it; the only way it would come to know about it is by bashing its head on it. The history of its mieda past is full of such wailing walls. That is why Shaebia’s history is a history of repeatedly coming back from the edge of disasters. And this phenomenon, instead of instilling caution in its behavior, has created a false sense of invincibility. The belief that it would eventually come out of any danger triumphant is the primary stuff out of which the true believers’ “Book of Miracles” is made. Now, it seems it has jumped into a quicksand where, unlike a wall, no bouncing back is ever possible.
Terrorism as a state policy
As a central policy for its survival, the PFDJ has been using terrorism as its main and only card in pursuing its domestic, regional and foreign policies. This record is unmatched by any other state sponsor of terror. Except for North Korea, none treats its own people the way the PFDJ does. And when it comes to outside its territory, North Korea’s terrorist threats have no bite at all.
In its domestic policy, the PFDJ gets things done through terror only. No consultations or legal proceedings are ever taken. If it wants land, it grabs it without any compensation. If an enterprise suddenly becomes profitable, it monopolizes it by bankrupting the “competing” merchants or businessmen. If it wants recruits for its army, it conducts giffa. If it wants to build a road, it uses slave labor. If it wants to stop desertion, it takes parents hostage. If it doesn’t like a religion, it throws its members into prison. That is how the government “communicates” with its subjects; it doesn’t know any better. That is how it is; violence is in its very nature.
The terror under which the Eritrean masses have been living is aptly summed up by a commentator by the name of Sereke who describes the nation as “the biggest open prison in the world.” That renders statements like “There are tens of thousands of prisoners in Eritrea” an understatement. To comprehend the labyrinthine prison system in Eritrea, think of a Warsai recently released from a prison, only to end up in “agelglot,” a huge prison in the wilderness, where hundreds of thousands of adults are quarantined for years without end. And if by any chance he succeeds in escaping from this hell-hole of never-ending slavery, he ends up somewhere in Eritrea where he has to remain hidden in fear – sometimes for years – until he either makes it to the neighboring countries or is fetched back by PFDJ authorities to repeat the same cycle of horror (if he is lucky). Probably, it is this state of a “prison within a prison within a prison” that describes the domestic terrorism in Eritrea the most. Imagine this system as being made of three concentric circles, one embedded in the other. In the outermost circle, we find four million inmates (the whole Eritrean population); in the middle circle, we finds the hundreds of thousands inmates (those in the military service); and in the inner most circle, we find the tens of thousands officially recognized prisoners. The misery index of a citizen is measured by how deep into this system of concentric circles he finds himself in.
PFDJ conducts its regional policy with the same ruthlessness and “pragmatism”. Eritrea’s neighbors (for instance, unlike North Korea's neighbors) are very susceptible to terrorism for various reasons. Ethnic, clan, religious, regional, racial and political strife is to be found in the region in abundance. With a willingness to arm, train and amply provide disgruntled elements, it is easy to exploit simmering antagonisms that have been there for decades and turn them into full blown confrontations. And that is what Eritrea has been doing; it has turned itself into a haven for all types of terrorists that are stocking the neighborhood. There is almost no armed movement in the region that at one time or another has not been supported by the regime. The despot’s intrusive hands are to be traced in all the recent terrorist undertakings in the region, including the hostage taking of the British and Ethiopian subjects in Afar and the on-going war in Somalia. Whatever the despot wants to achieve in the region is done through terrorism only; he cannot think of any other peaceful means to conduct his regional policy.
PFDJ’s confrontational foreign policy defines the relationship that it has had with three foreign entities that have been playing essential roles in the nation’s short history: NGOs, the UN and US (and EU). NGOs have played a vital role in staving off one disaster after another, beginning from Shaebia’s days in mieda to the border war; in the process, saving hundreds of thousands of lives from starvation. The UN, with its heavy presence in the TSZ, has been the sole guarantor of peace in the region for seven years; without its presence, we would have undergone many rounds of war by now. And the US and EU are two indispensable world powers who have helped the young nation economically more any other country in the world. Yet, in every single case, confrontation has been the only mode of communication that the dysfunctional government uses. Now there are no NGOs in the country; almost all of them have been expelled. It has also been abusing the UN from day one, as if it is some kind of foreign occupation force. And when it comes to the US, it has been stoking the embassy for years before it turned into a full blown opponent of American policy in the region.
The case of Sudan contains elements from the three terrorism policies mentioned above: domestic, regional and foreign. So lets take a closer look at it.
Blackmailing Sudan
The Sudanese case is a good example of how terrorism has evolved into the sole means through which the Isayas regime conducts its regional policy, one that is inextricably tied with its domestic and foreign policies. And not incidentally, the despot’s vulgar pragmatism seems to inform all the “diplomatic” maneuvers he takes in every turn of events.
Eritrea’s ever-gyrating relation with Sudan is a reflection of how the Isayas regime has been using the terrorism card “pragmatically,” for pragmatism demands that one be in accord with the varying, unfolding events. A few years back, the Asmara regime was the main supporter of all the rebel movements in South, East and West Sudan. With the peace agreement in South Sudan and with the newly found oil-wealth in the country, the Asmara regime realized that its chances of destabilizing Sudan to the extent it had aspired was getting slimmer by the day. Besides, the tension on its Ethiopian border was getting worse. So the despot decided to abruptly switch alliance, and dropped the “Darfur cause” and “convinced” the Eastern rebels to sit down at the peace table. After that, he became an ardent supporter of Sudan in the Darfur case, to the point of officially opposing “the UN interference in Sudan’s internal affair”.
The despot’s peace overtures to Sudan by no means indicate a change of heart in his terrorism policy. To the contrary, his professed eschewal of terrorism against Sudan is meant to pave the way for three other forms of terrorism, all dictated by changing times. First of all, in the case of Sudan itself, the tyrant has not abandoned terrorism as a weapon; he has only SUSPENDED it. It still exists in its potent form as a THREAT. He has left his options open by retaining an amiable relationship with most of the former rebel groups, in case he will need them sometime in the future. Eritrea’s dogged insistence to sit on the peace table – as a primary peace broker – in all the peace settlements that relate to Sudan is designed to keep its contact and influence with the rebel groups alive. The Sudanese government (another rogue state) realizes that it is being blackmailed. But at this point in time, with the ongoing conflict in Darfur and with all the fragile peace agreements still pending, it cannot afford to antagonize the Asmara regime. The Sudanese are no fools; they are only biding their time. And with their newly found wealth, it won’t be long before they turn the tables to their favor. For now though, they cannot but do Isayas’ bidding.
By successfully blackmailing Sudan, the despot has paved the way for two other forms of terrorism. One has to do with the domestic one. The Sudanese government has not only denied all opposition forces a foothold in its territory, it is also making life difficult for the Eritrean refugees; round-ups and threats of deportation have become daily reality to many of the refugees. It also gives a blind eye when the Eritrean army pursues deserters deep into its territory; and consequently, the military feels comfortable in ruthlessly implementing its shoot-at-sight policy on the Sudanese border. One of the main objectives that Isayas had in mind when he made peace with Sudan was to stem the flow of deserters, an alarming phenomenon that has been depleting the army at a fast rate (according to UNCHR, since 2003, more than 20 thousand refugees has made it to Sudan). Since Sudan has been the favorite destination for most of the escapees, that the despot saw a dividend in his rapprochement with the Sudanese government is only understandable. We could then easily see how regional terrorism (in its blackmail form) is used to foster domestic terrorism, which in turn would be used to extend the lifespan of the regime.
The other dividend that Isayas foresaw in the rapprochement was a safe passage to Ethiopia, one that would be used to transport all types of ethnic rebel movements that he has been grooming. With the TSZ spanning all along the Ethiopian-Eritrean border and with heavy militarization on both sides of the border, it has become next to impossible for Eritrea-based rebels to infiltrate Ethiopia through Eritrean territory. As soon as the Asmara regime made peace with Sudan, it began in earnest to transport these rebel elements through the Sudanese route. Given the long ragged borderline that Sudan shares with Ethiopia, this indeed makes strategic sense. The Sudanese are furious, but they have been giving it a blind eye for fear of jeopardizing the fragile peace treaties they had so laboriously clobbered together recently.
And last, we can even see how the tyrant is exploiting the situation in Sudan to conduct his foreign policy. His ambivalent stand on the Darfur conflict, supporting Sudan in its stand against the UN and the US while leaving his options with the rebel groups open, is an effort to make himself indispensable in the region; his message being that without him, the US would find it very difficult to make any peace agreement hold. In other words, he is attempting to blackmail the US into siding with him (at least, in not siding with Ethiopia), foolish as this endeavor may seem.
Conclusion
The purpose of this article has been to show that terrorism is in the nature of PFDJ. To talk about the PFDJ is to talk about its confrontational past, its vulgar pragmatism and its confrontational policy. First, in Shaebia’s past, there isn’t a single case where it has resolved a crisis through peaceful means; that, by itself, talks volumes. Second, the only “ideology” that this organization has been beholden to is that of vulgar pragmatism, where the end – the regime’s survival – justifies the means. And third, its domestic, regional and foreign policies are all conducted through terrorism, be it in its active or latent form.
If the above characterization of the PFDJ is true, the idea that it could be talked into changing its behavior is naïve. It is true when the despot has been cornered with his back on the wall; he is known to have momentarily relented, but only to revert back to his old confrontational habit once the pressure is lifted off him. That is to say, no weight should be given to his word, even if he is willing to suspend his activities in Somalia. He won’t rest until he finds ways of circumventing whatever restrictions are put on him.
We know that the US is currently considering to put Eritrea in the state sponsors of terror list. This article has been written with one single objective in mind: that, in its assessment, the US should pay enough attention to the dysfunctional nature of the PFDJ. It is not for nothing that one’s criminal records are always brought up in matters of importance, be in court or in employment. Similarly, PFDJ’s past, how it conducts its business and the ideology that guides its behavior are as good as anything in predicting its behavior in the future. This is an organization beyond redemption, and it should be treated as such.
Tuesday, August 14, 2007
State TV editor goes missing while trying to flee across border into Ethiopia
13 August 2007
State TV editor goes missing while trying to flee across border into Ethiopia
Reporters Without Borders voiced concern today about the fate of Johnny Hisabu, an editor with state-owned Eri-TV, who disappeared in late May after trying to flee across the border into Ethiopia. There are unconfirmed reports that he was arrested and has been held ever since in a detention centre in the southwestern town of Barentu.
“Forced to function as a cog in the official propaganda machine, Johnny was one of the hundreds of Eritreans who each month try to flee the hell on earth created by one of the world’s most authoritarian regimes,” the press freedom organisation said. “The regime’s only reaction to this exodus, which includes journalists and media technicians, is more cruelty and intolerance.”
Reporters Without Borders added: “It is time that President Issaias Afeworki, who portrays himself as a guarantor of national unity, realised that he has turned the country into a gigantic prison.”
Johnny has not been seen at his post in the information ministry-run team of TV editors since his departure in late May. It was around that time that Eyob Kessete, a journalist with the Amharic-language service of the public radio station Dimtsi Hafash, was arrested by border guards as he tried to cross into Ethiopia. Kessete has since been held in a prison in May Srwa, northwest of Asmara.
Johnny decided to flee to neighbouring Ethiopia in part because he is a member of the so-called “Amiche” community of Eritreans who were born or raised in Ethiopia prior to independence and because he therefore still has relatives there.
Attempts by Reporters Without Borders to locate him in the Eritrean refugee camps in Ethiopia have so far been unsuccessful. At the same time, there are unconfirmed reports that he was arrested when border guards intercepted the group of refugees he was travelling with, and that he has since been held at a detention centre in Barentu.
Reporters Without Borders has meanwhile learned that Eri-TV Arabic-language service presenter Fetiha Khaled (whose first name was previously given in error as Fathia), was transferred to a military camp near the Sudanese border following her arrest at the start of this year, and that her salary is now being paid by the defence ministry, suggesting that she was forcibly recruited into the army.
Fetiha was one of nine public media journalists arrested in a crackdown that began last November, after the defection of several prominent journalists. They were held on suspicion of staying in contact with the defectors or planning to flee the country themselves.
This group included Paulos Kidane, a journalist with the Amharic-language service of Eri-TV and radio Dimtsi Hafash, who died in still unclear circumstances in June in an attempt to flee on foot across the border into Sudan.
State TV editor goes missing while trying to flee across border into Ethiopia
Reporters Without Borders voiced concern today about the fate of Johnny Hisabu, an editor with state-owned Eri-TV, who disappeared in late May after trying to flee across the border into Ethiopia. There are unconfirmed reports that he was arrested and has been held ever since in a detention centre in the southwestern town of Barentu.
“Forced to function as a cog in the official propaganda machine, Johnny was one of the hundreds of Eritreans who each month try to flee the hell on earth created by one of the world’s most authoritarian regimes,” the press freedom organisation said. “The regime’s only reaction to this exodus, which includes journalists and media technicians, is more cruelty and intolerance.”
Reporters Without Borders added: “It is time that President Issaias Afeworki, who portrays himself as a guarantor of national unity, realised that he has turned the country into a gigantic prison.”
Johnny has not been seen at his post in the information ministry-run team of TV editors since his departure in late May. It was around that time that Eyob Kessete, a journalist with the Amharic-language service of the public radio station Dimtsi Hafash, was arrested by border guards as he tried to cross into Ethiopia. Kessete has since been held in a prison in May Srwa, northwest of Asmara.
Johnny decided to flee to neighbouring Ethiopia in part because he is a member of the so-called “Amiche” community of Eritreans who were born or raised in Ethiopia prior to independence and because he therefore still has relatives there.
Attempts by Reporters Without Borders to locate him in the Eritrean refugee camps in Ethiopia have so far been unsuccessful. At the same time, there are unconfirmed reports that he was arrested when border guards intercepted the group of refugees he was travelling with, and that he has since been held at a detention centre in Barentu.
Reporters Without Borders has meanwhile learned that Eri-TV Arabic-language service presenter Fetiha Khaled (whose first name was previously given in error as Fathia), was transferred to a military camp near the Sudanese border following her arrest at the start of this year, and that her salary is now being paid by the defence ministry, suggesting that she was forcibly recruited into the army.
Fetiha was one of nine public media journalists arrested in a crackdown that began last November, after the defection of several prominent journalists. They were held on suspicion of staying in contact with the defectors or planning to flee the country themselves.
This group included Paulos Kidane, a journalist with the Amharic-language service of Eri-TV and radio Dimtsi Hafash, who died in still unclear circumstances in June in an attempt to flee on foot across the border into Sudan.
U.S. Policy in the Horn of Africa
U.S. Policy in the Horn of Africa
James Swan, Deputy Assistant Secretary for African Affairs
4th International Conference on Ethiopian Development Studies
Western Michigan University, Kalamazoo, Michigan
August 4, 2007
As Delivered
Good afternoon, and thank you, professor for inviting me to join you in Kalamazoo. I am pleased to have this opportunity to discuss U.S. policy and engagement in the Horn of Africa. You have assembled an impressive and distinguished group of panelists for this important conference.
THE CURRENT SITUATION
As all of you know, the Horn of Africa is a rough neighborhood. At least one conflict – and frequently more – has raged in the region continuously since 1960. Inter-state conventional wars. Guerrilla-style liberation struggles. Coups. Revolutions. The Horn has seen them all.
It is also a region that has suffered historically from poor governance -- from the brutal excesses of Ethiopia’s Derg, to authoritarian one-party systems in much of the region until the 1990s, to the lawlessness of the failed state of Somalia after the fall of Siad Barre. Winner-take-all politics and violent regime change have been the norm. And this historically unstable political and security climate has been a profound impediment to economic development.
The Horn ranks near the bottom in the world – and indeed below the rest of Africa - on Human Development indicators. The region is ecologically and economically fragile. Its peoples face the challenges of overwhelming dependence on rain-fed agriculture, as regular droughts trigger cyclical famines.
Yet, despite these longstanding challenges, in most of the region we see signs of progress. Djibouti has held peaceful elections; its port has become an economic hub; and the government has become a partner in counterterrorism efforts. Somalia’s Transitional Federal Government offers the best hope for peace and stability in the last 20 years. Ethiopia has made progress on democratic governance with the release of political party detainees and parliamentary discussions on electoral and media reform. Kenya, which has been spared the conflicts that have impeded the development of its neighbors, has become an economic powerhouse, has made tremendous strides to consolidate democracy, and plays a lead role in complex regional peace initiatives. Moreover, all of these countries and governments are increasingly close partners of the United States in the Horn of Africa.
The glaring exception to this favorable story is of course Eritrea, which openly abuses its population and serves as a destabilizing force in the region. I’ll come to that later.
While progress is fitful, and additional diplomatic and aid resources will be necessary to sustain success, the overall trajectory of the Horn is positive.
In keeping with Secretary Rice’s concept of Transformational Diplomacy, United States government policy in the region focuses on partnership, while promoting regional stability and security, strengthening democratic processes and institutions, fostering economic growth, expanding the scope and quality of basic services, and responding to the humanitarian needs of vulnerable populations.
The Horn is a region where Muslims and Christians coexist and intermingle, and where the cultures of ancient Ethiopia, of traditional Africa, and of the Arab-influenced coastal regions have combined in different ways to create unique national and regional identities. It is a region in which all of our Embassies and their officers are working to demonstrate our respect for different faith traditions and to promote our commitment to religious tolerance, political rights, and gender equality.
While our Embassies are the U.S. Government’s principal platforms for promoting effective cooperation, governance reform and sustainable development, we also have a great asset in the Combined Joint Task Force – Horn of Africa in Djibouti. This U.S. military initiative provides a vehicle for outreach to vulnerable communities in the region and for contributing to the professionalization and effectiveness of armed forces in the Horn.
So let me now discuss current developments and some of the key U.S. interests and policies in each of the countries of the Horn.
DJIBOUTI
I’ll begin with Djibouti – which rarely gets top billing in a discussion of the Horn, but will today -- and then move clockwise through the region. Djibouti, which celebrated the 30th anniversary of its independence in June, in many ways epitomizes both the progress and the challenges we see on the Horn.
With the end of the conflict with the Front for the Restoration of Unity and Democracy (FRUD) in the 1990s, and the return of the Front’s leader to Djibouti in 2000, Djibouti has moved beyond violent conflict. General elections in 1999 and 2003 were orderly and peaceful, despite a boycott by the major opposition coalition. Some opposition members are represented in local and regional councils. More needs to be done to open up political space and ensure that all citizens have a voice in government decisions. But the transition from armed combat to political competition is a positive step.
On the economic front, Djibouti remains a poor country with per capita income below $1000. Yet it has a vision for development of its key assets – its port and strategic location along major sea-transport routes. Port tonnage – which tripled after the 1998 Eritrea-Ethiopia border war which cut access to Assab – has increase 30 percent per year between 2002 and 2004 under new management of Djibouti port. And Djibouti aspires to become an international hub for transit cargo serving not only the horn of Africa hinterland, but a much wider worldwide clientele.
The United States, which has long had good relations with Djibouti, has seen this partnership further deepen in recent years. Since 2002, Djibouti has hosted the only permanent U.S. military base in sub-Saharan Africa, (CJFF-HOA)... We also value Djibouti’s diplomatic role in the region, as a bridge among other countries in the Horn and between African and Arab states.
So in Djibouti, we see a country that has ended a protracted violent conflict, begun important steps toward greater political openness, developed a vision for its economic future, and engaged in a close partnership with the United States.
SOMALIA
Now let me turn to Somalia – a country that, for all its problems, has perhaps the best opportunity in nearly two decades to overcome its status as a failed state. Somalia is a priority for the United States in Africa. U.S. policy is designed to promote stability in Somalia – including by preventing Somalia from again becoming a safehaven for terrorists, as it was under the Council of Islamic Courts – to support humanitarian and development needs, and to foster inclusive democratic institutions.
The key to Somalia’s success will be national reconciliation to ensure inclusive representation in the Transitional Federal Institutions and in the organizations that will prepare the way for election of a permanent government in 2009, as called for by the Transitional Federal Charter.
The National Reconciliation Congress, which opened in Mogadishu on July 15 and is still ongoing, provides an opportunity for all Somalis to achieve suitable representation in the TFIs and formulate a roadmap for the remainder of the transitional period, in the run-up to national elections in 2009. In support of the National Reconciliation Congress, the United States has provided financial assistance of $1.25 million, in coordination with other international donors. Our Ambassador in Nairobi and our Special Envoy for Somalia are in frequent contact with congress organizer Ali Mahdi Mohamed, with Transitional Federal Government leaders, with clan elders, with civil society leaders, and a wide array of other stakeholders to encourage support for this process.
We believe it is important for the Somali people to focus on the future, moving forward in the transitional political process as envisioned by the Charter, rather than focusing only on the current composition of the Transitional Federal Government and Institutions. While imperfect, the Transitional Federal Institutions provide a framework for achieving the objectives outlined in the Charter and the formation of representative governance institutions following the transitional process. We are steering clear from Somali politics and focusing on a clear message of inclusion and accommodation to all actors in Somalia.
To help stabilize Somalia and create conditions for national reconciliation, the United States strongly supports the African Union’s peace support mission in Somalia. The mission currently has a lead contingent of approximately 1,600 Ugandan troops deployed as part of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM). At the beginning of the year, the United States identified $19.6 million to assist AMISOM forces. Approximately $10 million was used to provide equipment and airlift to assist the deployment of Uganda’s AMISOM contingent. Congress subsequently appropriated a further $40 million in funding to support AMISOM.
AMISOM is important not only to help create conditions for national reconciliation, but also to permit the reduction in presence of Ethiopian forces and their eventual departure. We, the Somalis, and the Ethiopians themselves recognize that an Ethiopian military presence is not a long-term solution to insecurity in Somalia. For there to be lasting security, there must be political dialogue and accommodation among Somalis, improvements in Somali government capacity, and training and deployment of a competent and respected Somali security force.
The United States is the largest bilateral donor of humanitarian assistance to Somalia, and has provided more than $102 million in humanitarian and development assistance this year. We also coordinate closely with other international partners diplomatically and on our international assistance programs. We were founding members of the International Contact Group on Somalia in June 2006, and also are active in the International Advisory Committee for the National Reconciliation Congress (NRC).
In short, there is an international consensus that we must seize this moment of opportunity in Somalia. The United States is a leader on both the diplomatic front and in our humanitarian and economic response.
KENYA
Next let me say just a few words about Kenya, which is not always discussed as part of the Horn of Africa, but lies on its southern edge and is an important regional player. Nairobi hosts the largest U.S. diplomatic mission in Sub-Saharan Africa, and we cooperate with the Kenyans on a wide array of both bilateral and regional programs. Our bilateral assistance program is more than $500 million in 2007. Total resource flows from the U.S. to Kenya each year from all public and private sources amount to about $1.5 billion.
Kenya’s peaceful, credible democratic elections in 2002 represented an important step on Kenya’s path to becoming a fully functional democracy. The next elections, scheduled for December 2007 offer an opportunity to consolidate those gains. The U.S. is providing election-related training to civil society organizations, political parties, and youth and women candidates, as well as supporting the work of the Electoral Commission of Kenya to ensure that these elections are free, fair, and transparent.
Kenya is beginning to enjoy the fruits of its enviable regional reputation for stability, openness, and tolerance. Economic growth has increased to more than 6 percent in recent years, as Kenya capitalizes on its role as a major regional hub. While important challenges remain – specifically in combating corruption, moving away from tribalism, and promoting gender equity – there is a palpable sense of energy and optimism among the Kenyan people. Kenya is clearly a country on the move in a positive direction.
We have worked closely with the Kenyans diplomatically on the North-South peace agreement in Sudan and on Somalia issues, through the International Contact Group as well as bilaterally. In its capacity as President of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), Kenya continues to occupy a leadership role in promoting peace and stability in the Horn of Africa. We look forward to continued close partnership.
ETHIOPIA
Now, Ethiopia, which has been the subject of your conference. With more than 70 million people, bordering all of the other Horn countries, Ethiopia is the giant of the region. Ethiopia is an important strategic partner for the United States in the Horn of Africa. We collaborate on a wide range of development objectives and in efforts to promote regional stability. We share a commitment to address threats by transnational extremist groups.
We are also eager to see progress in democratic institutions. As you know, the run-up to the May 2005 national elections was the most open, free, and competitive political campaign period in all of Ethiopian history. Never before had opposition candidates had so much access to coveted constituencies and the ability to convene rallies and openly campaign against ruling party opponents.
Opposition candidates’ access to the press, including state-owned and operated media, was unprecedented. Never before had the electorate seen live, televised debates between government Ministers and their opposition challengers.
Unfortunately, this spirit was lost in the contentious aftermath of the vote, in bloody confrontations in the streets, in detention of political leaders, and in strident and uncompromising positions that for too long dominated the political leadership. As we consider the democratic challenges facing Ethiopia today, we recognize that sentiment has been so bitter precisely because of the heightened expectations prompted by two decades of political reform.
With the release of 38 detainees, and anticipated release of the remaining Coalition for Unity and Democracy leadership, and anticipated release of the remaining CUD leadership, following lengthy mediation by respected elders, Ethiopia’s political leaders have committed themselves to a new collaborative relationship for the good of the country. In Addis Ababa, U.S. foreign assistance programs are bringing together leaders from across the political spectrum to address critical questions of national governance and the future of the country, build the capacity of parliament, and bolster judicial independence.
We are again seeing a cautious, yet engaged host of political parties that are committed to institutionalizing the advances of March and April 2005. That ruling and opposition parties today gather around the negotiating table to debate the relative merits of reforms of democratic institutions is extremely positive.
We must all encourage this process. As stakeholders in Ethiopia's stability, democracy, and prosperity – we urge all parties to remain engaged, so that we can regain the advances of early 2005 and build upon them for the people of Ethiopia.
Meanwhile, we continue a robust program of U.S. humanitarian and development assistance for Ethiopia. We have contributed more than $160 million in humanitarian assistance this year to help the Ethiopian people break the cycle of famine and mitigate the impact of drought and natural disasters. With over $300 million in assistance to the health care system in Ethiopia this year alone, we help ensure that clinics reach into previously underserved regions including Afar and the Ogaden.
With respect to the Ogaden, we are concerned that insecurity and impediments to commercial sales of commodities put the population of this fragile region at further risk. We are currently working with the government to ensure that humanitarian assistance and the more important commercial shipments can flow to the Ogaden. We note that rains have been relatively good this year, which should ease the economic hardship faced by the pastoralist population.
In conflict-prone areas, U.S. programs bring together representatives from diverse communities during periods of calm, in order to build bridges of understanding and prevent potential conflicts from erupting. We are working with local administrations to build their capacity to govern for the people and to promote transparency. We are working with the Ethiopian military to transform that organization into a professional and apolitical defense force for the nation. The challenges are many, but the objectives merit the tremendous scope of the resources, time, and commitment that we have focused on them. We are confident that through partnership with local stakeholders, together we will contribute to making Ethiopia more secure, more democratic, and more prosperous for the next generation.
A STEP BACKWARD: ERITREA
Now, let me turn to Eritrea. While the rest of the Horn of Africa is making political, economic, and social advances and seizing opportunities -- albeit with periodic important setbacks -- the opposite is true for Eritrea.
Eritrea has experienced economic decline and a lack of freedoms, for the press and political expression. There is widespread and arbitrary conscription. The government has worked to destabilize its neighbors, including Ethiopia and Somalia.
Given the American penchant for supporting the underdog, it is disheartening to see what has become of Eritrea in the 14 years since it gained independence and produced a praiseworthy constitution. President Isaias Afwerki has become increasingly tyrannical and megalomaniacal. He has actively sought to destabilize the Horn, fueling regional insurgencies and supporting groups affiliated with terrorists.
Eritrean Government policies have also choked the Eritrean economy and consolidated political power among a small cadre of cronies, who are distinguished only by their unwavering loyalty to the President.
The government has actively blocked humanitarian assistance from international donors. It initiated the border war with Ethiopia that cost tens of thousands of lives.
The Eritrean Government has fabricated a national mythology by demonizing neighboring Ethiopia, for the central purpose of garnering complete compliance with his autocratic domestic policies. By channeling Eritreans' patriotism into hostility toward Ethiopia, the government ensures that [it] can rule as it likes, without public opposition. Democracy and economic opportunity remain purely theoretical concepts for the people of Eritrea.
As you know, the reality is atrocious. Youth are sent to camps for indoctrination. Citizens in the prime of their lives are forced into national service; anyone who refuses is beaten. If you flee, your family is imprisoned. Those who fail to espouse officially sanctioned opinions languish in metal shipping containers.
As in the former Soviet Union, the Eritrean government controls both the message and the medium. There are no opposition political parties, no non-governmental organizations, no private media. Any senior government official who dares to speak out puts himself at risk. The brave individuals known as the G-15, who challenged Eritrea's path back in the spring of 2001, are missing.
Elsewhere in the region, Eritrea has chosen to support extremist elements, including the al-Qaida affiliated al Shabaab militia in Somalia, in an effort to undermine the political process. While the rest of the region and the international community have united behind a common strategy for achieving lasting peace and stability in Somalia, Eritrea has opted to support terrorists and spoilers while encouraging continued violence. There is no justification for such actions. The ruling cabal is – to our great regret -- leading Eritrea along the path toward increased domestic repression and hardship, and regional and international isolation.
BOUNDARY DISPUTE
Since the border dispute with Ethiopia serves as the pretext for Eritrea’s domestic authoritarianism, let me say a final few words about how the U.S. sees this issue. This impasse has been a long-festering flashpoint between Eritrea and Ethiopia, and it is of course symptomatic of deeper divisions between the two countries.
The Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission (EEBC) issued its delimitation decision in 2002. Yet, the two parties have still not cooperated on demarcation of the boundary. Both appear comfortable with the status quo. Ethiopia avoids painful domestic political decisions, while Eritrea uses the unresolved issue to goad Ethiopia and deflect attention from a deteriorating domestic situation.
The United States government fully supports the “final and binding” decisions of the EEBC and has consistently called on both parties to cooperate with the EEBC and meet their commitments in the Algiers Agreements. We work closely with the other Witnesses to the Algiers Agreements -- including Algeria, the African Union, the European Union, and the United Nations -- and other interested governments.
The level of urgency has increased, as the situation has recently deteriorated. Both parties remain wedded to their positions and may have hardened them. Eritrea has moved about 4,000 troops along with supporting artillery and armor into the Temporary Security Zone (TSZ), a buffer zone between the parties, and restricted the activities of UNMEE, a UN peacekeeping force. Eritrea maintains a further 120,000 troops in the vicinity, while Ethiopia has deployed about 100,000 troops along the border.
We believe it is essential for the parties to discuss directly how to implement a workable boundary regime, consistent with the decisions of the EEBC, and to address the fundamental issues that divide them. UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon has offered to engage the parties, and we support his initiative. The Ethiopian Government has agreed to participate in this initiative, and we urge the Eritrean government to do so as well. We will continue our efforts and support those of others to resolve this issue and remove one flash point in an already unstable region and bring the parties closer to a normalized relationship.
So, in conclusion, this is a tough neighborhood, economically fragile, with a history of violent conflict and of uncompromising politics. Huge challenges remain. Yet, overall, there is reason to be hopeful about the Horn. Progress may not be uniform, but with the exception of Eritrea, we are working in partnership with local governments toward a more peaceful and prosperous Horn of Africa.
Thank you again for inviting me to join you today, and I look forward to answering any questions that you may have.
Released on August 9, 2007
James Swan, Deputy Assistant Secretary for African Affairs
4th International Conference on Ethiopian Development Studies
Western Michigan University, Kalamazoo, Michigan
August 4, 2007
As Delivered
Good afternoon, and thank you, professor for inviting me to join you in Kalamazoo. I am pleased to have this opportunity to discuss U.S. policy and engagement in the Horn of Africa. You have assembled an impressive and distinguished group of panelists for this important conference.
THE CURRENT SITUATION
As all of you know, the Horn of Africa is a rough neighborhood. At least one conflict – and frequently more – has raged in the region continuously since 1960. Inter-state conventional wars. Guerrilla-style liberation struggles. Coups. Revolutions. The Horn has seen them all.
It is also a region that has suffered historically from poor governance -- from the brutal excesses of Ethiopia’s Derg, to authoritarian one-party systems in much of the region until the 1990s, to the lawlessness of the failed state of Somalia after the fall of Siad Barre. Winner-take-all politics and violent regime change have been the norm. And this historically unstable political and security climate has been a profound impediment to economic development.
The Horn ranks near the bottom in the world – and indeed below the rest of Africa - on Human Development indicators. The region is ecologically and economically fragile. Its peoples face the challenges of overwhelming dependence on rain-fed agriculture, as regular droughts trigger cyclical famines.
Yet, despite these longstanding challenges, in most of the region we see signs of progress. Djibouti has held peaceful elections; its port has become an economic hub; and the government has become a partner in counterterrorism efforts. Somalia’s Transitional Federal Government offers the best hope for peace and stability in the last 20 years. Ethiopia has made progress on democratic governance with the release of political party detainees and parliamentary discussions on electoral and media reform. Kenya, which has been spared the conflicts that have impeded the development of its neighbors, has become an economic powerhouse, has made tremendous strides to consolidate democracy, and plays a lead role in complex regional peace initiatives. Moreover, all of these countries and governments are increasingly close partners of the United States in the Horn of Africa.
The glaring exception to this favorable story is of course Eritrea, which openly abuses its population and serves as a destabilizing force in the region. I’ll come to that later.
While progress is fitful, and additional diplomatic and aid resources will be necessary to sustain success, the overall trajectory of the Horn is positive.
In keeping with Secretary Rice’s concept of Transformational Diplomacy, United States government policy in the region focuses on partnership, while promoting regional stability and security, strengthening democratic processes and institutions, fostering economic growth, expanding the scope and quality of basic services, and responding to the humanitarian needs of vulnerable populations.
The Horn is a region where Muslims and Christians coexist and intermingle, and where the cultures of ancient Ethiopia, of traditional Africa, and of the Arab-influenced coastal regions have combined in different ways to create unique national and regional identities. It is a region in which all of our Embassies and their officers are working to demonstrate our respect for different faith traditions and to promote our commitment to religious tolerance, political rights, and gender equality.
While our Embassies are the U.S. Government’s principal platforms for promoting effective cooperation, governance reform and sustainable development, we also have a great asset in the Combined Joint Task Force – Horn of Africa in Djibouti. This U.S. military initiative provides a vehicle for outreach to vulnerable communities in the region and for contributing to the professionalization and effectiveness of armed forces in the Horn.
So let me now discuss current developments and some of the key U.S. interests and policies in each of the countries of the Horn.
DJIBOUTI
I’ll begin with Djibouti – which rarely gets top billing in a discussion of the Horn, but will today -- and then move clockwise through the region. Djibouti, which celebrated the 30th anniversary of its independence in June, in many ways epitomizes both the progress and the challenges we see on the Horn.
With the end of the conflict with the Front for the Restoration of Unity and Democracy (FRUD) in the 1990s, and the return of the Front’s leader to Djibouti in 2000, Djibouti has moved beyond violent conflict. General elections in 1999 and 2003 were orderly and peaceful, despite a boycott by the major opposition coalition. Some opposition members are represented in local and regional councils. More needs to be done to open up political space and ensure that all citizens have a voice in government decisions. But the transition from armed combat to political competition is a positive step.
On the economic front, Djibouti remains a poor country with per capita income below $1000. Yet it has a vision for development of its key assets – its port and strategic location along major sea-transport routes. Port tonnage – which tripled after the 1998 Eritrea-Ethiopia border war which cut access to Assab – has increase 30 percent per year between 2002 and 2004 under new management of Djibouti port. And Djibouti aspires to become an international hub for transit cargo serving not only the horn of Africa hinterland, but a much wider worldwide clientele.
The United States, which has long had good relations with Djibouti, has seen this partnership further deepen in recent years. Since 2002, Djibouti has hosted the only permanent U.S. military base in sub-Saharan Africa, (CJFF-HOA)... We also value Djibouti’s diplomatic role in the region, as a bridge among other countries in the Horn and between African and Arab states.
So in Djibouti, we see a country that has ended a protracted violent conflict, begun important steps toward greater political openness, developed a vision for its economic future, and engaged in a close partnership with the United States.
SOMALIA
Now let me turn to Somalia – a country that, for all its problems, has perhaps the best opportunity in nearly two decades to overcome its status as a failed state. Somalia is a priority for the United States in Africa. U.S. policy is designed to promote stability in Somalia – including by preventing Somalia from again becoming a safehaven for terrorists, as it was under the Council of Islamic Courts – to support humanitarian and development needs, and to foster inclusive democratic institutions.
The key to Somalia’s success will be national reconciliation to ensure inclusive representation in the Transitional Federal Institutions and in the organizations that will prepare the way for election of a permanent government in 2009, as called for by the Transitional Federal Charter.
The National Reconciliation Congress, which opened in Mogadishu on July 15 and is still ongoing, provides an opportunity for all Somalis to achieve suitable representation in the TFIs and formulate a roadmap for the remainder of the transitional period, in the run-up to national elections in 2009. In support of the National Reconciliation Congress, the United States has provided financial assistance of $1.25 million, in coordination with other international donors. Our Ambassador in Nairobi and our Special Envoy for Somalia are in frequent contact with congress organizer Ali Mahdi Mohamed, with Transitional Federal Government leaders, with clan elders, with civil society leaders, and a wide array of other stakeholders to encourage support for this process.
We believe it is important for the Somali people to focus on the future, moving forward in the transitional political process as envisioned by the Charter, rather than focusing only on the current composition of the Transitional Federal Government and Institutions. While imperfect, the Transitional Federal Institutions provide a framework for achieving the objectives outlined in the Charter and the formation of representative governance institutions following the transitional process. We are steering clear from Somali politics and focusing on a clear message of inclusion and accommodation to all actors in Somalia.
To help stabilize Somalia and create conditions for national reconciliation, the United States strongly supports the African Union’s peace support mission in Somalia. The mission currently has a lead contingent of approximately 1,600 Ugandan troops deployed as part of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM). At the beginning of the year, the United States identified $19.6 million to assist AMISOM forces. Approximately $10 million was used to provide equipment and airlift to assist the deployment of Uganda’s AMISOM contingent. Congress subsequently appropriated a further $40 million in funding to support AMISOM.
AMISOM is important not only to help create conditions for national reconciliation, but also to permit the reduction in presence of Ethiopian forces and their eventual departure. We, the Somalis, and the Ethiopians themselves recognize that an Ethiopian military presence is not a long-term solution to insecurity in Somalia. For there to be lasting security, there must be political dialogue and accommodation among Somalis, improvements in Somali government capacity, and training and deployment of a competent and respected Somali security force.
The United States is the largest bilateral donor of humanitarian assistance to Somalia, and has provided more than $102 million in humanitarian and development assistance this year. We also coordinate closely with other international partners diplomatically and on our international assistance programs. We were founding members of the International Contact Group on Somalia in June 2006, and also are active in the International Advisory Committee for the National Reconciliation Congress (NRC).
In short, there is an international consensus that we must seize this moment of opportunity in Somalia. The United States is a leader on both the diplomatic front and in our humanitarian and economic response.
KENYA
Next let me say just a few words about Kenya, which is not always discussed as part of the Horn of Africa, but lies on its southern edge and is an important regional player. Nairobi hosts the largest U.S. diplomatic mission in Sub-Saharan Africa, and we cooperate with the Kenyans on a wide array of both bilateral and regional programs. Our bilateral assistance program is more than $500 million in 2007. Total resource flows from the U.S. to Kenya each year from all public and private sources amount to about $1.5 billion.
Kenya’s peaceful, credible democratic elections in 2002 represented an important step on Kenya’s path to becoming a fully functional democracy. The next elections, scheduled for December 2007 offer an opportunity to consolidate those gains. The U.S. is providing election-related training to civil society organizations, political parties, and youth and women candidates, as well as supporting the work of the Electoral Commission of Kenya to ensure that these elections are free, fair, and transparent.
Kenya is beginning to enjoy the fruits of its enviable regional reputation for stability, openness, and tolerance. Economic growth has increased to more than 6 percent in recent years, as Kenya capitalizes on its role as a major regional hub. While important challenges remain – specifically in combating corruption, moving away from tribalism, and promoting gender equity – there is a palpable sense of energy and optimism among the Kenyan people. Kenya is clearly a country on the move in a positive direction.
We have worked closely with the Kenyans diplomatically on the North-South peace agreement in Sudan and on Somalia issues, through the International Contact Group as well as bilaterally. In its capacity as President of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), Kenya continues to occupy a leadership role in promoting peace and stability in the Horn of Africa. We look forward to continued close partnership.
ETHIOPIA
Now, Ethiopia, which has been the subject of your conference. With more than 70 million people, bordering all of the other Horn countries, Ethiopia is the giant of the region. Ethiopia is an important strategic partner for the United States in the Horn of Africa. We collaborate on a wide range of development objectives and in efforts to promote regional stability. We share a commitment to address threats by transnational extremist groups.
We are also eager to see progress in democratic institutions. As you know, the run-up to the May 2005 national elections was the most open, free, and competitive political campaign period in all of Ethiopian history. Never before had opposition candidates had so much access to coveted constituencies and the ability to convene rallies and openly campaign against ruling party opponents.
Opposition candidates’ access to the press, including state-owned and operated media, was unprecedented. Never before had the electorate seen live, televised debates between government Ministers and their opposition challengers.
Unfortunately, this spirit was lost in the contentious aftermath of the vote, in bloody confrontations in the streets, in detention of political leaders, and in strident and uncompromising positions that for too long dominated the political leadership. As we consider the democratic challenges facing Ethiopia today, we recognize that sentiment has been so bitter precisely because of the heightened expectations prompted by two decades of political reform.
With the release of 38 detainees, and anticipated release of the remaining Coalition for Unity and Democracy leadership, and anticipated release of the remaining CUD leadership, following lengthy mediation by respected elders, Ethiopia’s political leaders have committed themselves to a new collaborative relationship for the good of the country. In Addis Ababa, U.S. foreign assistance programs are bringing together leaders from across the political spectrum to address critical questions of national governance and the future of the country, build the capacity of parliament, and bolster judicial independence.
We are again seeing a cautious, yet engaged host of political parties that are committed to institutionalizing the advances of March and April 2005. That ruling and opposition parties today gather around the negotiating table to debate the relative merits of reforms of democratic institutions is extremely positive.
We must all encourage this process. As stakeholders in Ethiopia's stability, democracy, and prosperity – we urge all parties to remain engaged, so that we can regain the advances of early 2005 and build upon them for the people of Ethiopia.
Meanwhile, we continue a robust program of U.S. humanitarian and development assistance for Ethiopia. We have contributed more than $160 million in humanitarian assistance this year to help the Ethiopian people break the cycle of famine and mitigate the impact of drought and natural disasters. With over $300 million in assistance to the health care system in Ethiopia this year alone, we help ensure that clinics reach into previously underserved regions including Afar and the Ogaden.
With respect to the Ogaden, we are concerned that insecurity and impediments to commercial sales of commodities put the population of this fragile region at further risk. We are currently working with the government to ensure that humanitarian assistance and the more important commercial shipments can flow to the Ogaden. We note that rains have been relatively good this year, which should ease the economic hardship faced by the pastoralist population.
In conflict-prone areas, U.S. programs bring together representatives from diverse communities during periods of calm, in order to build bridges of understanding and prevent potential conflicts from erupting. We are working with local administrations to build their capacity to govern for the people and to promote transparency. We are working with the Ethiopian military to transform that organization into a professional and apolitical defense force for the nation. The challenges are many, but the objectives merit the tremendous scope of the resources, time, and commitment that we have focused on them. We are confident that through partnership with local stakeholders, together we will contribute to making Ethiopia more secure, more democratic, and more prosperous for the next generation.
A STEP BACKWARD: ERITREA
Now, let me turn to Eritrea. While the rest of the Horn of Africa is making political, economic, and social advances and seizing opportunities -- albeit with periodic important setbacks -- the opposite is true for Eritrea.
Eritrea has experienced economic decline and a lack of freedoms, for the press and political expression. There is widespread and arbitrary conscription. The government has worked to destabilize its neighbors, including Ethiopia and Somalia.
Given the American penchant for supporting the underdog, it is disheartening to see what has become of Eritrea in the 14 years since it gained independence and produced a praiseworthy constitution. President Isaias Afwerki has become increasingly tyrannical and megalomaniacal. He has actively sought to destabilize the Horn, fueling regional insurgencies and supporting groups affiliated with terrorists.
Eritrean Government policies have also choked the Eritrean economy and consolidated political power among a small cadre of cronies, who are distinguished only by their unwavering loyalty to the President.
The government has actively blocked humanitarian assistance from international donors. It initiated the border war with Ethiopia that cost tens of thousands of lives.
The Eritrean Government has fabricated a national mythology by demonizing neighboring Ethiopia, for the central purpose of garnering complete compliance with his autocratic domestic policies. By channeling Eritreans' patriotism into hostility toward Ethiopia, the government ensures that [it] can rule as it likes, without public opposition. Democracy and economic opportunity remain purely theoretical concepts for the people of Eritrea.
As you know, the reality is atrocious. Youth are sent to camps for indoctrination. Citizens in the prime of their lives are forced into national service; anyone who refuses is beaten. If you flee, your family is imprisoned. Those who fail to espouse officially sanctioned opinions languish in metal shipping containers.
As in the former Soviet Union, the Eritrean government controls both the message and the medium. There are no opposition political parties, no non-governmental organizations, no private media. Any senior government official who dares to speak out puts himself at risk. The brave individuals known as the G-15, who challenged Eritrea's path back in the spring of 2001, are missing.
Elsewhere in the region, Eritrea has chosen to support extremist elements, including the al-Qaida affiliated al Shabaab militia in Somalia, in an effort to undermine the political process. While the rest of the region and the international community have united behind a common strategy for achieving lasting peace and stability in Somalia, Eritrea has opted to support terrorists and spoilers while encouraging continued violence. There is no justification for such actions. The ruling cabal is – to our great regret -- leading Eritrea along the path toward increased domestic repression and hardship, and regional and international isolation.
BOUNDARY DISPUTE
Since the border dispute with Ethiopia serves as the pretext for Eritrea’s domestic authoritarianism, let me say a final few words about how the U.S. sees this issue. This impasse has been a long-festering flashpoint between Eritrea and Ethiopia, and it is of course symptomatic of deeper divisions between the two countries.
The Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission (EEBC) issued its delimitation decision in 2002. Yet, the two parties have still not cooperated on demarcation of the boundary. Both appear comfortable with the status quo. Ethiopia avoids painful domestic political decisions, while Eritrea uses the unresolved issue to goad Ethiopia and deflect attention from a deteriorating domestic situation.
The United States government fully supports the “final and binding” decisions of the EEBC and has consistently called on both parties to cooperate with the EEBC and meet their commitments in the Algiers Agreements. We work closely with the other Witnesses to the Algiers Agreements -- including Algeria, the African Union, the European Union, and the United Nations -- and other interested governments.
The level of urgency has increased, as the situation has recently deteriorated. Both parties remain wedded to their positions and may have hardened them. Eritrea has moved about 4,000 troops along with supporting artillery and armor into the Temporary Security Zone (TSZ), a buffer zone between the parties, and restricted the activities of UNMEE, a UN peacekeeping force. Eritrea maintains a further 120,000 troops in the vicinity, while Ethiopia has deployed about 100,000 troops along the border.
We believe it is essential for the parties to discuss directly how to implement a workable boundary regime, consistent with the decisions of the EEBC, and to address the fundamental issues that divide them. UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon has offered to engage the parties, and we support his initiative. The Ethiopian Government has agreed to participate in this initiative, and we urge the Eritrean government to do so as well. We will continue our efforts and support those of others to resolve this issue and remove one flash point in an already unstable region and bring the parties closer to a normalized relationship.
So, in conclusion, this is a tough neighborhood, economically fragile, with a history of violent conflict and of uncompromising politics. Huge challenges remain. Yet, overall, there is reason to be hopeful about the Horn. Progress may not be uniform, but with the exception of Eritrea, we are working in partnership with local governments toward a more peaceful and prosperous Horn of Africa.
Thank you again for inviting me to join you today, and I look forward to answering any questions that you may have.
Released on August 9, 2007
Wednesday, May 16, 2007
Regeringens tysta diplomati kritiseras
2 maj 2007
Den tysta diplomatin som den svenska regeringen använt sig av för att få Dawit Isaak frigiven måste överges. Om det tycktes alla deltagare vara överens på det seminarium om yttrandefrihet som Amnesty arrangerade i Göteborg den 2 maj.
- Nu har det gått över två tusen dagar utan att Dawit släppts fri. Regeringens taktik fungerar uppenbarligen inte, sa Dawits bror Esayas Isaak.
Temat på seminariet på Världskulturmuseet i Göteborg var yttrandefrihet. En person fick under hela seminariet agera symbol för kampen för det fria ordet. Ett stort porträtt på Dawit Isaak hängde på väggen bakom seminariedeltagarna, och alla uppmanade till engagemang för journalisten Dawit Isaak som suttit fängslad i Eritrea sedan september 2001.
Representanter från utrikesdepartementet hade blivit inbjudna att tala om sin strategi för att få Dawit Isaak fri, men avböjt.
– De kör tydligen med tyst diplomati hela vägen. Det är ungefär som Eritreas regering brukar göra, sa Johan Karlsson, författare till boken ”Dawit och rättvisan” och en av dagens moderatorer.
Först ut att tala var representanter från Amnesty, Björn Tunbäck, journalist och styrelsemedlem i Reportrar utan gränser, Björn Linell från Svenska PEN-klubben och Göteborgs-Postens kulturchef Gabriel Byström. Gabriel Byström sa att den svenska diplomatin har misslyckats.
– Carl Bildt verkar tycka om att flyga. Han borde ta ett plan ned till Eritrea istället för att bara jobba med denna fråga hemifrån.
Björn Tunbäck sa att alla inblandade organisationer måste fortsätta kämpa så länge Dawit sitter fängslad och alla fyra uppmanade åhörarna att skapa opinion.
- Det låter gammeldags och romantiserat att den mest effektiva metoden är att väcka opinion, men så är det, sa Björn Linell.
Även då frågan om varför det tog så lång tid för svenska medier att uppmärksamma Dawits fall diskuterades var tonläget kritiskt. Björn Tunbäck menade att Dawit sannolikt inte anses vara svensk i allas ögon och Björn Linell sa kort att det beror på ”rasism och okunnighet”.
Allra mest negativa till UD:s arbete var ändå Dawits bror Esayas Isaak och de två eritreanska exiljournalisterna Khaled Abdu och Semret Seyoum.
– Vi i stödföreningen för Dawit har rätt god kontakt med UD. Men så länge han inte friges måste vi fortsätta att kritisera deras arbete, sa Esayas Isaak.
På frågan vad de önskar att UD ska göra istället för att förhandla i det tysta svarade även Esayas Isaak att Carl Bildt borde arbeta för Dawit på plats i Eritrea. Han sa också att regeringen inte kan vänta alltför länge med detta eftersom Dawit nu är sjuk och inte får den vård han behöver i fängelset. Khaled Abdu sa att man bör använda sig av alla tänkbara kanaler för att få till en frigivning. Han nämnde EU och FN och sa att det överhuvudtaget borde arbetas mycket mer aggressivt.
Esayas Isaak berättade att många regeringsvänliga eritreaner både i Sverige och i Eritrea anklagar Dawit-kampanjens deltagare för att sprida falska rykten.
– Den onda armen räcker ända hit till Göteborg, sa han.
Semret Seyoum sammanfattade seminariedeltagarnas budskap då frågan kring vad gemene man kan göra väcktes.
– Vi ska inte vara tysta. Vi ska höras så mycket det bara går, sa han.
Maria Sonnerby /RUG
Den tysta diplomatin som den svenska regeringen använt sig av för att få Dawit Isaak frigiven måste överges. Om det tycktes alla deltagare vara överens på det seminarium om yttrandefrihet som Amnesty arrangerade i Göteborg den 2 maj.
- Nu har det gått över två tusen dagar utan att Dawit släppts fri. Regeringens taktik fungerar uppenbarligen inte, sa Dawits bror Esayas Isaak.
Temat på seminariet på Världskulturmuseet i Göteborg var yttrandefrihet. En person fick under hela seminariet agera symbol för kampen för det fria ordet. Ett stort porträtt på Dawit Isaak hängde på väggen bakom seminariedeltagarna, och alla uppmanade till engagemang för journalisten Dawit Isaak som suttit fängslad i Eritrea sedan september 2001.
Representanter från utrikesdepartementet hade blivit inbjudna att tala om sin strategi för att få Dawit Isaak fri, men avböjt.
– De kör tydligen med tyst diplomati hela vägen. Det är ungefär som Eritreas regering brukar göra, sa Johan Karlsson, författare till boken ”Dawit och rättvisan” och en av dagens moderatorer.
Först ut att tala var representanter från Amnesty, Björn Tunbäck, journalist och styrelsemedlem i Reportrar utan gränser, Björn Linell från Svenska PEN-klubben och Göteborgs-Postens kulturchef Gabriel Byström. Gabriel Byström sa att den svenska diplomatin har misslyckats.
– Carl Bildt verkar tycka om att flyga. Han borde ta ett plan ned till Eritrea istället för att bara jobba med denna fråga hemifrån.
Björn Tunbäck sa att alla inblandade organisationer måste fortsätta kämpa så länge Dawit sitter fängslad och alla fyra uppmanade åhörarna att skapa opinion.
- Det låter gammeldags och romantiserat att den mest effektiva metoden är att väcka opinion, men så är det, sa Björn Linell.
Även då frågan om varför det tog så lång tid för svenska medier att uppmärksamma Dawits fall diskuterades var tonläget kritiskt. Björn Tunbäck menade att Dawit sannolikt inte anses vara svensk i allas ögon och Björn Linell sa kort att det beror på ”rasism och okunnighet”.
Allra mest negativa till UD:s arbete var ändå Dawits bror Esayas Isaak och de två eritreanska exiljournalisterna Khaled Abdu och Semret Seyoum.
– Vi i stödföreningen för Dawit har rätt god kontakt med UD. Men så länge han inte friges måste vi fortsätta att kritisera deras arbete, sa Esayas Isaak.
På frågan vad de önskar att UD ska göra istället för att förhandla i det tysta svarade även Esayas Isaak att Carl Bildt borde arbeta för Dawit på plats i Eritrea. Han sa också att regeringen inte kan vänta alltför länge med detta eftersom Dawit nu är sjuk och inte får den vård han behöver i fängelset. Khaled Abdu sa att man bör använda sig av alla tänkbara kanaler för att få till en frigivning. Han nämnde EU och FN och sa att det överhuvudtaget borde arbetas mycket mer aggressivt.
Esayas Isaak berättade att många regeringsvänliga eritreaner både i Sverige och i Eritrea anklagar Dawit-kampanjens deltagare för att sprida falska rykten.
– Den onda armen räcker ända hit till Göteborg, sa han.
Semret Seyoum sammanfattade seminariedeltagarnas budskap då frågan kring vad gemene man kan göra väcktes.
– Vi ska inte vara tysta. Vi ska höras så mycket det bara går, sa han.
Maria Sonnerby /RUG
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