Tollare folkhögskola, Stockholm
25 mars
09.30 Ankomstfika
10.00 Presentation av deltagarna, NBV och projektet ”En värld”
10.30 Vad är FN:s millenniemål?
Maria Jontén, Utrikesdeprtementet
12.00 Lunch
13.15 Fortsättning FN:s millenniemål
14.45 Fruktpaus
15.00 Ett alkoholperspektiv på millenniemålen
Per-Åke Andersson, IOGT-NTOs Internationella Institut och NBV
17.00 Middag
19.00 Filmvisning och spelkväll. Vi ser på dokumentärfilmer från Östafrika eller spelar spelet Quinna.
Sporthallen och bastun är också öppen.
26 mars
7.30-8.30 Frukost serveras
8.30 Dina kläder och millenniemålen – hur hänger det ihop?
Joel Lindefors, kampanjen Rena kläder tillfrågad
11.15 Hur startar man en studiecirkel om globala frågor?
Lotta Nord NBV Stockholms län
12.00 Lunch
13.00 Hur går vi vidare med vår kunskap?
Rune Nilsson, Tollare folkhögskola
14.30-15.00 Utvärdering och avslutning
Friday, March 17, 2006
Program för NBV:s grundkurs om FN:s millenniemål 25-26/3
Tollare folkhögskola, Stockholm
25 mars
09.30 Ankomstfika
10.00 Presentation av deltagarna, NBV och projektet ”En värld”
10.30 Vad är FN:s millenniemål?
Maria Jontén, Utrikesdeprtementet
12.00 Lunch
13.15 Fortsättning FN:s millenniemål
14.45 Fruktpaus
15.00 Ett alkoholperspektiv på millenniemålen
Per-Åke Andersson, IOGT-NTOs Internationella Institut och NBV
17.00 Middag
19.00 Filmvisning och spelkväll. Vi ser på dokumentärfilmer från Östafrika eller spelar spelet Quinna.
Sporthallen och bastun är också öppen.
26 mars
7.30-8.30 Frukost serveras
8.30 Dina kläder och millenniemålen – hur hänger det ihop?
Joel Lindefors, kampanjen Rena kläder tillfrågad
11.15 Hur startar man en studiecirkel om globala frågor?
Lotta Nord NBV Stockholms län
12.00 Lunch
13.00 Hur går vi vidare med vår kunskap?
Rune Nilsson, Tollare folkhögskola
14.30-15.00 Utvärdering och avslutning
25 mars
09.30 Ankomstfika
10.00 Presentation av deltagarna, NBV och projektet ”En värld”
10.30 Vad är FN:s millenniemål?
Maria Jontén, Utrikesdeprtementet
12.00 Lunch
13.15 Fortsättning FN:s millenniemål
14.45 Fruktpaus
15.00 Ett alkoholperspektiv på millenniemålen
Per-Åke Andersson, IOGT-NTOs Internationella Institut och NBV
17.00 Middag
19.00 Filmvisning och spelkväll. Vi ser på dokumentärfilmer från Östafrika eller spelar spelet Quinna.
Sporthallen och bastun är också öppen.
26 mars
7.30-8.30 Frukost serveras
8.30 Dina kläder och millenniemålen – hur hänger det ihop?
Joel Lindefors, kampanjen Rena kläder tillfrågad
11.15 Hur startar man en studiecirkel om globala frågor?
Lotta Nord NBV Stockholms län
12.00 Lunch
13.00 Hur går vi vidare med vår kunskap?
Rune Nilsson, Tollare folkhögskola
14.30-15.00 Utvärdering och avslutning
Thursday, March 16, 2006
London Ethio-Eritrean meet complies Ethiopia's peace initiative: legal advisor
Addis Ababa, March 16, 2006 - The recent Ethiopian and Eritrean delegations’ meeting in London, under the chairmanship of the Boundary Commission, was intended to discuss procedural arrangements which the demarcation processes require, Menilik Alemu, Legal Advisor with Legal Affairs General Directorate, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, said.
Briefing journalists in his office yesterday concerning issues the delegations discussed, Menilik who was member of the delegation, said that the meeting was called in consideration of the appeals made by witnesses who signed the Algiers Agreement – USA, Algeria, EU, AU and UN.
These witnesses in their independent statements they had made at different times urged the two parties to enter into negotiation and proceed with the demarcation process, he said, adding that the meeting was called by the Boundary Commission to facilitate that the border dispute get lasting solution.
The legal advisor also said that the major issues the President of the Boundary Commission raised, among others, were matters related to hiring field liaison officers, surveyors and technical workers and contractors who would be involved in implementing the demarcation process.
He further said that the commission also appointed a US General, Fulford, as advisor to the chief surveyors whose appointment was rejected by the Eritrean delegation in the afternoon session saying that it received latest instruction from Asmara.
Regarding the realization of the demarcation process, UNMEE was demanding the lifting of Eritrea’s flight restriction for it to provide the necessary support which the Eritrean side turned it down saying it was out of the agenda, he said.
Concerning Ethiopia’s side, the legal advisor said that the delegation accepted the procedural arrangements for they were in compliance with the Five-point Peace Initiative Ethiopia offered. Ethiopia’s stand for the resolution of the border dispute is unchanged, Menelik told journalists. Nothing has been raised that obliged Ethiopia, he added.
Regarding Eritrea, Menilik added that she was required to life the flight restriction on UNMEE and notify her acceptance or rejection of the appointment of the American General in black and white in three week’s time.
(Ethiopian Herald)
Briefing journalists in his office yesterday concerning issues the delegations discussed, Menilik who was member of the delegation, said that the meeting was called in consideration of the appeals made by witnesses who signed the Algiers Agreement – USA, Algeria, EU, AU and UN.
These witnesses in their independent statements they had made at different times urged the two parties to enter into negotiation and proceed with the demarcation process, he said, adding that the meeting was called by the Boundary Commission to facilitate that the border dispute get lasting solution.
The legal advisor also said that the major issues the President of the Boundary Commission raised, among others, were matters related to hiring field liaison officers, surveyors and technical workers and contractors who would be involved in implementing the demarcation process.
He further said that the commission also appointed a US General, Fulford, as advisor to the chief surveyors whose appointment was rejected by the Eritrean delegation in the afternoon session saying that it received latest instruction from Asmara.
Regarding the realization of the demarcation process, UNMEE was demanding the lifting of Eritrea’s flight restriction for it to provide the necessary support which the Eritrean side turned it down saying it was out of the agenda, he said.
Concerning Ethiopia’s side, the legal advisor said that the delegation accepted the procedural arrangements for they were in compliance with the Five-point Peace Initiative Ethiopia offered. Ethiopia’s stand for the resolution of the border dispute is unchanged, Menelik told journalists. Nothing has been raised that obliged Ethiopia, he added.
Regarding Eritrea, Menilik added that she was required to life the flight restriction on UNMEE and notify her acceptance or rejection of the appointment of the American General in black and white in three week’s time.
(Ethiopian Herald)
Four Red Sea Team Players Stay In Kenya By Gedab News
Mar 14, 2006, 11:34 PST
Four football (soccer) players for Red Sea, Eritrea’s champion team which was playing against Kenya’s Tuskar team, have evaded Eritrean government escorts and defected to Kenya. The players are Rusom “Ejion” Teweldemedhin, Ali “Alitay” Jaber, Dawit “Chakur” Weldegebriel and Yukuno.
To discourage defections, the Eritrean government has instituted a policy of requiring all traveling athletes to post a 100,000 Nkf (6,700 USD) bond prior to leaving and to remain in the company of the official entourage while overseas.
The Eritrean Sports Commission is managed by military officers or veterans of the EPLF like Ghirmay “Cheru” Hadgu and Beyene Russom and athletes who do not meet the standards of the military discipline of their trainers are constantly threatened with a trip to Sawa, a military boot camp.
The defections are the latest in a series which have resulted in weakening Eritrea’s athletic strength and have affected all sports sectors including football, sprinters, cyclists and coaches.
Background
Football players who have defected include Fassil Abraha, Efrem “Kruf”, Leul Medhanie, Robel Yosief, Robel Keleta, Yemane Henok, and Wedi Mahari.
Sprinters who did not return from their overseas travel include Tesfit, Rembo, Nebay Habte, Teklemariam Merid, Furtnato Yakob, Smret Asmerom, Tekle Mengesteab, Lemlem Bereket and Girmay Woldu.
Even cyclists who rarely travel overseas have been affected; Dawit Mehari, arguably Eritrea’s best cyclist, absconded from the tight security entourage several years ago.
Ghirmay Abraha, coach for Eritrea’s National Team and the trainer who had elevated Red Sea to championship status playing Ismailia and Costa Del Sol, has also defected.
Four football (soccer) players for Red Sea, Eritrea’s champion team which was playing against Kenya’s Tuskar team, have evaded Eritrean government escorts and defected to Kenya. The players are Rusom “Ejion” Teweldemedhin, Ali “Alitay” Jaber, Dawit “Chakur” Weldegebriel and Yukuno.
To discourage defections, the Eritrean government has instituted a policy of requiring all traveling athletes to post a 100,000 Nkf (6,700 USD) bond prior to leaving and to remain in the company of the official entourage while overseas.
The Eritrean Sports Commission is managed by military officers or veterans of the EPLF like Ghirmay “Cheru” Hadgu and Beyene Russom and athletes who do not meet the standards of the military discipline of their trainers are constantly threatened with a trip to Sawa, a military boot camp.
The defections are the latest in a series which have resulted in weakening Eritrea’s athletic strength and have affected all sports sectors including football, sprinters, cyclists and coaches.
Background
Football players who have defected include Fassil Abraha, Efrem “Kruf”, Leul Medhanie, Robel Yosief, Robel Keleta, Yemane Henok, and Wedi Mahari.
Sprinters who did not return from their overseas travel include Tesfit, Rembo, Nebay Habte, Teklemariam Merid, Furtnato Yakob, Smret Asmerom, Tekle Mengesteab, Lemlem Bereket and Girmay Woldu.
Even cyclists who rarely travel overseas have been affected; Dawit Mehari, arguably Eritrea’s best cyclist, absconded from the tight security entourage several years ago.
Ghirmay Abraha, coach for Eritrea’s National Team and the trainer who had elevated Red Sea to championship status playing Ismailia and Costa Del Sol, has also defected.
Stockholm Seminar Report - held at the Swedish parliament
EDA’s Information Office
The Seminar organised by the Swedish International Liberal Centre in co-operation with the Eritrean Association for peace and democracy and with the financial support of the Swedish Development Forum was completed successfully. Many Eritreans and Swedish, from various political parties, civil societies, Eritrean friends and other individuals involved and concerned on the Eritrean situation have participated
The theme of the seminar was, “Eritrea is between Hope and desperation.”
Mrs. Birgitta Ohlsson addressed the meeting by saying welcome to all participants and in particular, she welcomed to the guest speakers. Mr. Erik Jennische, the moderator of the meeting on his side introduced the speakers to the public.
Mr. Ibrahim Abdalla has given a brief information about Eritrea and its people and some historical facts from the birth to independence, and the situation now after independence.
Speakers
Human rights in Eritrea
Mrs Maja Åberg from Amnesty International has given detailed human violations in Eritrea. She has focused on the methods of torture practiced by the regime in Eritrea. She mentioned:
- the helicopter
- metal container
- auto
- other psychological means
- rape
She has also taken those who are victims, for example, those who escape from military conscription, religious believers, political dissidents, women who refuse nor to obey the officers and many other civilians. She also told the meeting that Amnesty’s sources of information are the people who escape from Eritrea. Amnesty and other human rights watch are not allowed to visit Eritrea, therefore we are dependent on the people fleeing Eritrea to Sudan and Ethiopia.
She concluded her speech that Amnesty has no power to bring changes but reports the human rights violations in Eritrea, it is the Eritrean people and the world community to exert their pressure on the regime, she added.
The rights of women in Eritrea
Mrs. Hayat Ibrahim, political scientist from Uppsala University, provided an overview of the situation of the women in Eritrea after independence. The key issues she raised were,
- trafficking
- women in the military camp of Sawa
- prostitution
- rape
- integration of the fighter women to the civil society
She elaborated her presentation how the women after independence were exposed and could not get the opportunity to develop themselves and build a democratic family life in Eritrea. The regime in Eritrea had no plans and programmes for the development of women except using them for its egoistic interests, said, Hayat.
After Independence, the trafficking of women was run by the government agents to fill the coffer of the president and his henchmen.
The issue of Sawa Military Camp and how the young girls are treated by the military officers is brutal and animalistic action. Young girls are raped and kept as maidservants; if they refuse to obey the order of the officer, either they are shot or put incommunicado for unlimited years. Suicides and mental disturbance are enormous in the camp. They suffer of unknown psychological diseases called, “ hi-cup,” pointed, Hayat.
She also has discussed how the young girls escape the land from the persecution and harassing of the system in Eritrea and suffer in the deserts of Sudan, Libya to their way to Europe.
Finally, she concluded that the government in Eritrea is not in favour of democratisation, in general, and equality between men and women, in particular. We need attitude change in Eritrea.
The role of civil society in Eritrea
Presenter
Dr. Numan Hubadin, member of the Eritrean Medical Association, described his experience on the development of civil societies in Eritrea during the political and armed struggle.
He mentioned the political associations of the liberation fronts like labour unions, student unions, women unions, and peasants’ movements. Upon these foundations, no of these foundations were free and voluntary but every association was subordinate to its political organization, they have no freedom to perform their tasks freely. But these associations were significant force in the politics of Eritrea in many years during the liberation period, emphasized, Numan.
On the flourishing civil societies in Diaspora in general; and in Sudan in particular at this time; he argued that it is equally necessary to support and develop societal organizations and strengthen the weak opposition camp for the purpose of increasing the possibilities of successful transformation to democratic politics.
In fact, democracy is not sustainable without vibrant civil society in any country in the world at this age, stressed, Numan.
Dr. Numan later discussed how the Eritrean medical officers in Sudan voluntarily organised a civil society. He elaborated the motives, objectives, programmes and policies of the association. He has also mentioned the problems facing this association and the sufferings of the Eritrean people in the refugee camps without assistance from the world. The Eritrean Medical Association established medical centre in Khartoum last year and has many activities at the refugee camps in eastern Sudan. Our organisation cannot cover the whole refugee camps but is just helping by information and medical consultation.
Alliance- building in the opposition camp
Presenter
Mr. Hussein has thanked on behalf of EDA and himself the Eritrean association for peace and democracy, and the Swedish international liberal Centre. (SILC) He has also expressed his appreciation to Ms Birgitta Ohlsson as a champion of peace, democracy and human rights. He also thanked Amnesty International and other panellists to participate at this seminar.
Mr. Khalifa presented his speech briefly focusing on the foundation of the Eritrean Democratic Alliance. He discussed the process of Alliance building from 1999 and later how it has developed from 13 political organizations to 16 political organizations. He further discussed on the EDA charter, its political program, organizational structure, and leadership with legislative and executive bodies. He has focused on the following issues;
- principles
- objectives
- policies
- programmes
of the EDA. He classified the periods of struggle for democratization by the EDA.
Mr. Hussein said that the human rights violations in Eritrea are clear and you are aware of that. Conditions in Eritrea are deteriorating; the worst and most shameful action of the regime is house -arresting of the Eritrean Orthodox Church’s Patriarch Antonios.
The Eritrean has never seen such ruthless government in their country previously, pointed, Hussein.
The barbaric wars with neighbours, the jailing of political, religious leaders, journalists and many other civilians because of their opinion is unacceptable, stressed, Hussein.
The situation in Eritrea has reached inferno where people are jailed daily. Parents are arrested and jailed because they helped their children to escape from the military camps. If they don’t bring back their children they should pay 50000NF as punishment.
The regime in Eritrea is destroying the Eritrean people, why is the world silent? Asked, Khalifa.
Khalifa finally thanked for the opportunity to make this short speech on the situation in Eritrea.
Note: (Mr. Khalifas speech will be separately published on the Eritrean websites)
Panel Discussion
Erik Jennische moderated the Panel,
The first question by Jennische directed to Mr. Hussein,
“ I have read the charter of EDA and it has interesting provisions but I would like to ask you Mr Khalifa,
- What do you by all means of struggle?
Ans: Mr. Khalifa responded the question by elaborating the various methods of democracy by making the people aware through information (media- radio, TV and newspapers), mobilising the people to rise against the dictatorial regime, appealing to the world community, UN, AU and the nations of the world.
Question: Have you any support from the government of Sweden?
Ans: Khalifa, we have no support from Sweden, but we now appeal to the Swedish government to help the Eritrean refugees in Sudan and Ethiopia.
Question: Have you any report information about Moslem teachers and elders who were taken from their homes at night between the years 1995-1996, and still not known their whereabouts? The Question was directed to AI.
Ans: Amnesty International, Maja Åberg responded by saying that information from Eritrea is not possible because we are not allowed to enter Eritrea ourselves and collect information. Our sources of information are those who ask asylum in Sudan and other countries.
Question: What can be done to make women participate and change the situation? The question was directed to Hayat.
Ans: We need more debate and seminars where women participate and there should be attitude changes in our society.
Question: What protection can the EDA give to the refugees in Sudan from harassing of the regime in Eritrea? The question was directed to Mr. Hussein Khalifa.
Ans. EDA has no jurisdiction in Sudan or Eritrea to stop or to investigate the kidnapping of Eritrean refugees from Sudan but try to influence the security authority in Sudan that the regime in Eritrea is kidnapping Eritreans, which is against the international law for the protection of refugees in Sudan.
In response to questions, Mr. Hussein has taken as example the “Sudanese Journalist” who was in jail for 5 years without jail. This journalist has drawn the sun set and the sun rise in his paper, when he wake up in the morning he saw the sun rising from the east and in the afternoon, he again saw the sun falling to the west. When Essayas’s security men read this they directly related it what president Essayas has said during the war of Badume, it was because of this the Sudanese journalist was put in jail for five years. Hussein said that people are jailed by suspicion for unlimited times in Eritrea today and Eritrea is a prison to all Eritreans and others who visit Eritrea, Dwait Isaak was Swedish who went Eritrea but was put in jail and still suffering. The regime in Eritrea is the criminal jailer of journalists who advocate for human dignity.
The seminar has discussed and questions raised on human rights and democracy in Eritrea during the panel stimulated debate among the participants. Finally, participants expressed their appreciation and suggested that such seminars should be hold regularly.
The Seminar organised by the Swedish International Liberal Centre in co-operation with the Eritrean Association for peace and democracy and with the financial support of the Swedish Development Forum was completed successfully. Many Eritreans and Swedish, from various political parties, civil societies, Eritrean friends and other individuals involved and concerned on the Eritrean situation have participated
The theme of the seminar was, “Eritrea is between Hope and desperation.”
Mrs. Birgitta Ohlsson addressed the meeting by saying welcome to all participants and in particular, she welcomed to the guest speakers. Mr. Erik Jennische, the moderator of the meeting on his side introduced the speakers to the public.
Mr. Ibrahim Abdalla has given a brief information about Eritrea and its people and some historical facts from the birth to independence, and the situation now after independence.
Speakers
Human rights in Eritrea
Mrs Maja Åberg from Amnesty International has given detailed human violations in Eritrea. She has focused on the methods of torture practiced by the regime in Eritrea. She mentioned:
- the helicopter
- metal container
- auto
- other psychological means
- rape
She has also taken those who are victims, for example, those who escape from military conscription, religious believers, political dissidents, women who refuse nor to obey the officers and many other civilians. She also told the meeting that Amnesty’s sources of information are the people who escape from Eritrea. Amnesty and other human rights watch are not allowed to visit Eritrea, therefore we are dependent on the people fleeing Eritrea to Sudan and Ethiopia.
She concluded her speech that Amnesty has no power to bring changes but reports the human rights violations in Eritrea, it is the Eritrean people and the world community to exert their pressure on the regime, she added.
The rights of women in Eritrea
Mrs. Hayat Ibrahim, political scientist from Uppsala University, provided an overview of the situation of the women in Eritrea after independence. The key issues she raised were,
- trafficking
- women in the military camp of Sawa
- prostitution
- rape
- integration of the fighter women to the civil society
She elaborated her presentation how the women after independence were exposed and could not get the opportunity to develop themselves and build a democratic family life in Eritrea. The regime in Eritrea had no plans and programmes for the development of women except using them for its egoistic interests, said, Hayat.
After Independence, the trafficking of women was run by the government agents to fill the coffer of the president and his henchmen.
The issue of Sawa Military Camp and how the young girls are treated by the military officers is brutal and animalistic action. Young girls are raped and kept as maidservants; if they refuse to obey the order of the officer, either they are shot or put incommunicado for unlimited years. Suicides and mental disturbance are enormous in the camp. They suffer of unknown psychological diseases called, “ hi-cup,” pointed, Hayat.
She also has discussed how the young girls escape the land from the persecution and harassing of the system in Eritrea and suffer in the deserts of Sudan, Libya to their way to Europe.
Finally, she concluded that the government in Eritrea is not in favour of democratisation, in general, and equality between men and women, in particular. We need attitude change in Eritrea.
The role of civil society in Eritrea
Presenter
Dr. Numan Hubadin, member of the Eritrean Medical Association, described his experience on the development of civil societies in Eritrea during the political and armed struggle.
He mentioned the political associations of the liberation fronts like labour unions, student unions, women unions, and peasants’ movements. Upon these foundations, no of these foundations were free and voluntary but every association was subordinate to its political organization, they have no freedom to perform their tasks freely. But these associations were significant force in the politics of Eritrea in many years during the liberation period, emphasized, Numan.
On the flourishing civil societies in Diaspora in general; and in Sudan in particular at this time; he argued that it is equally necessary to support and develop societal organizations and strengthen the weak opposition camp for the purpose of increasing the possibilities of successful transformation to democratic politics.
In fact, democracy is not sustainable without vibrant civil society in any country in the world at this age, stressed, Numan.
Dr. Numan later discussed how the Eritrean medical officers in Sudan voluntarily organised a civil society. He elaborated the motives, objectives, programmes and policies of the association. He has also mentioned the problems facing this association and the sufferings of the Eritrean people in the refugee camps without assistance from the world. The Eritrean Medical Association established medical centre in Khartoum last year and has many activities at the refugee camps in eastern Sudan. Our organisation cannot cover the whole refugee camps but is just helping by information and medical consultation.
Alliance- building in the opposition camp
Presenter
Mr. Hussein has thanked on behalf of EDA and himself the Eritrean association for peace and democracy, and the Swedish international liberal Centre. (SILC) He has also expressed his appreciation to Ms Birgitta Ohlsson as a champion of peace, democracy and human rights. He also thanked Amnesty International and other panellists to participate at this seminar.
Mr. Khalifa presented his speech briefly focusing on the foundation of the Eritrean Democratic Alliance. He discussed the process of Alliance building from 1999 and later how it has developed from 13 political organizations to 16 political organizations. He further discussed on the EDA charter, its political program, organizational structure, and leadership with legislative and executive bodies. He has focused on the following issues;
- principles
- objectives
- policies
- programmes
of the EDA. He classified the periods of struggle for democratization by the EDA.
Mr. Hussein said that the human rights violations in Eritrea are clear and you are aware of that. Conditions in Eritrea are deteriorating; the worst and most shameful action of the regime is house -arresting of the Eritrean Orthodox Church’s Patriarch Antonios.
The Eritrean has never seen such ruthless government in their country previously, pointed, Hussein.
The barbaric wars with neighbours, the jailing of political, religious leaders, journalists and many other civilians because of their opinion is unacceptable, stressed, Hussein.
The situation in Eritrea has reached inferno where people are jailed daily. Parents are arrested and jailed because they helped their children to escape from the military camps. If they don’t bring back their children they should pay 50000NF as punishment.
The regime in Eritrea is destroying the Eritrean people, why is the world silent? Asked, Khalifa.
Khalifa finally thanked for the opportunity to make this short speech on the situation in Eritrea.
Note: (Mr. Khalifas speech will be separately published on the Eritrean websites)
Panel Discussion
Erik Jennische moderated the Panel,
The first question by Jennische directed to Mr. Hussein,
“ I have read the charter of EDA and it has interesting provisions but I would like to ask you Mr Khalifa,
- What do you by all means of struggle?
Ans: Mr. Khalifa responded the question by elaborating the various methods of democracy by making the people aware through information (media- radio, TV and newspapers), mobilising the people to rise against the dictatorial regime, appealing to the world community, UN, AU and the nations of the world.
Question: Have you any support from the government of Sweden?
Ans: Khalifa, we have no support from Sweden, but we now appeal to the Swedish government to help the Eritrean refugees in Sudan and Ethiopia.
Question: Have you any report information about Moslem teachers and elders who were taken from their homes at night between the years 1995-1996, and still not known their whereabouts? The Question was directed to AI.
Ans: Amnesty International, Maja Åberg responded by saying that information from Eritrea is not possible because we are not allowed to enter Eritrea ourselves and collect information. Our sources of information are those who ask asylum in Sudan and other countries.
Question: What can be done to make women participate and change the situation? The question was directed to Hayat.
Ans: We need more debate and seminars where women participate and there should be attitude changes in our society.
Question: What protection can the EDA give to the refugees in Sudan from harassing of the regime in Eritrea? The question was directed to Mr. Hussein Khalifa.
Ans. EDA has no jurisdiction in Sudan or Eritrea to stop or to investigate the kidnapping of Eritrean refugees from Sudan but try to influence the security authority in Sudan that the regime in Eritrea is kidnapping Eritreans, which is against the international law for the protection of refugees in Sudan.
In response to questions, Mr. Hussein has taken as example the “Sudanese Journalist” who was in jail for 5 years without jail. This journalist has drawn the sun set and the sun rise in his paper, when he wake up in the morning he saw the sun rising from the east and in the afternoon, he again saw the sun falling to the west. When Essayas’s security men read this they directly related it what president Essayas has said during the war of Badume, it was because of this the Sudanese journalist was put in jail for five years. Hussein said that people are jailed by suspicion for unlimited times in Eritrea today and Eritrea is a prison to all Eritreans and others who visit Eritrea, Dwait Isaak was Swedish who went Eritrea but was put in jail and still suffering. The regime in Eritrea is the criminal jailer of journalists who advocate for human dignity.
The seminar has discussed and questions raised on human rights and democracy in Eritrea during the panel stimulated debate among the participants. Finally, participants expressed their appreciation and suggested that such seminars should be hold regularly.
Tuesday, March 14, 2006
September Silence
Exiled Eritrean Editor Milkias Mihreteab
Meron Tesfa Michael
At the newsstand in Asmara, Eritrea (Photo: AFP).
It was Sept. 18, 2001. The world was still reeling from the unprecedented terrorist attacks on the United States only seven days earlier. And so practically no one noticed when Eritrea’s autocratic and often-erratic president, Isaias Afwerki, completely shut down the small, Red Sea nation’s privately owned press. Today, in this country of fewer than 4 million people, more journalists are held in prison, often incommunicado and without charge, than in any other African country.
The crackdown on Eritrea’s independent press had been brewing throughout the summer of 2001. In May, 15 senior members of the Eritrea’s ruling party, the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ), wrote an open letter to all party members criticizing Afwerki—who had suspended Eritrea’s National Assembly and ruled without holding an election since the country won its independence from Ethiopia following 30 years of ruinous war—for acting in an “undemocratic and unconstitutional” manner. The independent press naturally seized upon the story, publishing interviews with the disaffected PFDJ members and penning sympathetic editorials.
On Sept. 18, perhaps sensing that the world’s attention was elsewhere, President Afwerki decided to act. That day, all of Eritrea’s eight independent newspapers announced that they would no longer publish, on the government’s orders. The director of Eritrea’s state television network explained the move on the news that night. “The private media had time to fix their erring ways,” he said. “They were putting the unity of the country in danger.”
That day, seven former ministers and generals who had signed the open letter were arrested. Over the following days, at least 10 Eritrean journalists were imprisoned. In following months, three more were jailed. In July 2002, the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists confirmed that a fourth had been arrested trying to cross the border into Sudan.
Just after the crackdown, six other journalists had successfully escaped into Sudan and Ethiopia. Two of them—Milkias Mihreteab and Semere Teazaz—later arrived in the United States and established the Eritrean Journalists Association in Exile “in direct response to the hostile situation journalism in Eritrea is facing today.”
Milkias Mihretab, who is the recipient of this year’s Percy Qoboza Award of the U.S.-based National Association of Black Journalists, which recognizes an extraordinary work of journalism under tremendous obstacles, and Amnesty International’s 2002 Special Award for Human-Rights Journalism Under Threat, was an editor of Keste Demena, an independent weekly paper closed down on Sept. 19.
WPR: On several occasions since the crackdown the Eritrean government has accused the independent press of breaking the press laws…
Mihreteab: Eritrea’s press laws have a lot of vague and controversial articles that the independent press had a hard time following. The press law proclamation of 1996, commonly called Proclamation 90/98, has many rules, regulations, and penalties that are difficult to understand. It is full of nationalist [rhetoric], and tends to view those who do not abide by this as unpatriotic. For example, an article in the press law states that a journalist should not disseminate news that destabilizes the nation. The term “destabilize” is subject to different interpretations. A paper may run a story about corruption in the army. That would automatically be interpreted as “destabilizing news” putting the journalist in peril. There were instances in which reports of a certain administrator’s mismanagement were interpreted as “destabilizing news” and the journalists were penalized.
The press law’s definition of defamation makes it very difficult to criticize an official or an institution. A journalist cannot question the educational background or capacity of certain officials, because that could be deemed as dishonoring the official. So the press law was actually very discouraging and hindering to the profession of journalism.
How long has this been going on?
Even before the recent crackdown, independent newspapers were only allowed to operate under tight restrictions. Journalists who wrote articles critical of the government were arrested, charged with libel, or drafted into the army during the 1998-2000 border war with Ethiopia. For a long time now, the government media has portrayed many independent journalists as enemy spies and American stooges. On several occasions they have accused the independent press of beings “agents of destabilization” and “enemies of the nation.”
What issues did the Eritrean government not want the independent press to cover?
We challenged the government, the unconstitutional way it operated, and the special courts [which try suspects behind closed doors, with no right to a defense council and no right of appeal]. The independent press severely criticized the government on the disastrous war with Ethiopia and the regime’s ineptness. We also entertained public opinion, which was mostly pro-reform and anti-dictatorship.
You currently have more than 10 criminal charges pending because of your writings.
Without exaggeration, the life of an independent journalist in Eritrea was hell! Almost all the papers censored themselves system just to survive. Because even the slightest comment might be interpreted as enemy propaganda or anti-Eritrean.
If we run some bold articles, we sometimes have to hide, go to the countryside, just to avoid immediate wrath or arrest.
Besides all this, we had technical problems: shortage of equipment, small readership, distribution problems, and high printing costs.
You have been arrested several times, held in a secret detention camp for over five months…
Usually what happens is the security people will pick you either from the street, your home, or office. They take you to one of the many detention centers in the capital city, and then either you will be released after heavy international pressure, or you will rot there… as is the case with many Eritreans.
On Oct. 14, 2000, the police picked me up along with seven other journalists. After heavy pressure and criticism from some western countries, the authorities released six of us, leaving Yusuf Mohammed Ali [editor of Tsigenay. Ali is currently in prison] and me behind. The prison condition was bad. It was crowded and dirty, family contact was extremely limited. The Zara concentration camp, where I spent almost six months, is the worst. Beating was normal. Some died because of disease and malnutrition.
On March 31, the Eritrean journalists left in jail began a hunger strike, claiming they were held illegally. In a letter smuggled out of the prison, the hunger strikers said they were seeking "justice before a fair and independent court." Following that, the detainees were moved to a new location, which the government refused to disclose. What is your reaction to the government actions in regard to those detained journalists?
As the government of President Isaias Afewerki becomes more and more lunatic, it may take desperate actions. No one can tell for sure what will happen. [The detained journalists’] lives are in danger; unless there is a strong pressure from the international community… in today’s Eritrea, anything can happen.
Meron Tesfa Michael
At the newsstand in Asmara, Eritrea (Photo: AFP).
It was Sept. 18, 2001. The world was still reeling from the unprecedented terrorist attacks on the United States only seven days earlier. And so practically no one noticed when Eritrea’s autocratic and often-erratic president, Isaias Afwerki, completely shut down the small, Red Sea nation’s privately owned press. Today, in this country of fewer than 4 million people, more journalists are held in prison, often incommunicado and without charge, than in any other African country.
The crackdown on Eritrea’s independent press had been brewing throughout the summer of 2001. In May, 15 senior members of the Eritrea’s ruling party, the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ), wrote an open letter to all party members criticizing Afwerki—who had suspended Eritrea’s National Assembly and ruled without holding an election since the country won its independence from Ethiopia following 30 years of ruinous war—for acting in an “undemocratic and unconstitutional” manner. The independent press naturally seized upon the story, publishing interviews with the disaffected PFDJ members and penning sympathetic editorials.
On Sept. 18, perhaps sensing that the world’s attention was elsewhere, President Afwerki decided to act. That day, all of Eritrea’s eight independent newspapers announced that they would no longer publish, on the government’s orders. The director of Eritrea’s state television network explained the move on the news that night. “The private media had time to fix their erring ways,” he said. “They were putting the unity of the country in danger.”
That day, seven former ministers and generals who had signed the open letter were arrested. Over the following days, at least 10 Eritrean journalists were imprisoned. In following months, three more were jailed. In July 2002, the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists confirmed that a fourth had been arrested trying to cross the border into Sudan.
Just after the crackdown, six other journalists had successfully escaped into Sudan and Ethiopia. Two of them—Milkias Mihreteab and Semere Teazaz—later arrived in the United States and established the Eritrean Journalists Association in Exile “in direct response to the hostile situation journalism in Eritrea is facing today.”
Milkias Mihretab, who is the recipient of this year’s Percy Qoboza Award of the U.S.-based National Association of Black Journalists, which recognizes an extraordinary work of journalism under tremendous obstacles, and Amnesty International’s 2002 Special Award for Human-Rights Journalism Under Threat, was an editor of Keste Demena, an independent weekly paper closed down on Sept. 19.
WPR: On several occasions since the crackdown the Eritrean government has accused the independent press of breaking the press laws…
Mihreteab: Eritrea’s press laws have a lot of vague and controversial articles that the independent press had a hard time following. The press law proclamation of 1996, commonly called Proclamation 90/98, has many rules, regulations, and penalties that are difficult to understand. It is full of nationalist [rhetoric], and tends to view those who do not abide by this as unpatriotic. For example, an article in the press law states that a journalist should not disseminate news that destabilizes the nation. The term “destabilize” is subject to different interpretations. A paper may run a story about corruption in the army. That would automatically be interpreted as “destabilizing news” putting the journalist in peril. There were instances in which reports of a certain administrator’s mismanagement were interpreted as “destabilizing news” and the journalists were penalized.
The press law’s definition of defamation makes it very difficult to criticize an official or an institution. A journalist cannot question the educational background or capacity of certain officials, because that could be deemed as dishonoring the official. So the press law was actually very discouraging and hindering to the profession of journalism.
How long has this been going on?
Even before the recent crackdown, independent newspapers were only allowed to operate under tight restrictions. Journalists who wrote articles critical of the government were arrested, charged with libel, or drafted into the army during the 1998-2000 border war with Ethiopia. For a long time now, the government media has portrayed many independent journalists as enemy spies and American stooges. On several occasions they have accused the independent press of beings “agents of destabilization” and “enemies of the nation.”
What issues did the Eritrean government not want the independent press to cover?
We challenged the government, the unconstitutional way it operated, and the special courts [which try suspects behind closed doors, with no right to a defense council and no right of appeal]. The independent press severely criticized the government on the disastrous war with Ethiopia and the regime’s ineptness. We also entertained public opinion, which was mostly pro-reform and anti-dictatorship.
You currently have more than 10 criminal charges pending because of your writings.
Without exaggeration, the life of an independent journalist in Eritrea was hell! Almost all the papers censored themselves system just to survive. Because even the slightest comment might be interpreted as enemy propaganda or anti-Eritrean.
If we run some bold articles, we sometimes have to hide, go to the countryside, just to avoid immediate wrath or arrest.
Besides all this, we had technical problems: shortage of equipment, small readership, distribution problems, and high printing costs.
You have been arrested several times, held in a secret detention camp for over five months…
Usually what happens is the security people will pick you either from the street, your home, or office. They take you to one of the many detention centers in the capital city, and then either you will be released after heavy international pressure, or you will rot there… as is the case with many Eritreans.
On Oct. 14, 2000, the police picked me up along with seven other journalists. After heavy pressure and criticism from some western countries, the authorities released six of us, leaving Yusuf Mohammed Ali [editor of Tsigenay. Ali is currently in prison] and me behind. The prison condition was bad. It was crowded and dirty, family contact was extremely limited. The Zara concentration camp, where I spent almost six months, is the worst. Beating was normal. Some died because of disease and malnutrition.
On March 31, the Eritrean journalists left in jail began a hunger strike, claiming they were held illegally. In a letter smuggled out of the prison, the hunger strikers said they were seeking "justice before a fair and independent court." Following that, the detainees were moved to a new location, which the government refused to disclose. What is your reaction to the government actions in regard to those detained journalists?
As the government of President Isaias Afewerki becomes more and more lunatic, it may take desperate actions. No one can tell for sure what will happen. [The detained journalists’] lives are in danger; unless there is a strong pressure from the international community… in today’s Eritrea, anything can happen.
Friday, March 10, 2006
Mr.Hussien Khelifa EDA chairman conducted a successful meeting in Swedish parliament
March 09 2006 ,Stockholm
Mr. Hussein Khalifa Head of the Executive Committee of the Eritrean Democratic alliance (EDA)conducted a very successful seminar on the Swedish parliament organized by the Swedish International liberal center and Eritreans for peace and democracy.
more detalied reports follows shotrly!
Mr. Hussein Khalifa Head of the Executive Committee of the Eritrean Democratic alliance (EDA)conducted a very successful seminar on the Swedish parliament organized by the Swedish International liberal center and Eritreans for peace and democracy.
more detalied reports follows shotrly!
Mr. Hussein Khalifa visits The Swedish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Africa Department
By EDA’s Information Office Mar 8, 2006, 08:46 PST
Mr. Hussein Khalifa Head of the Executive Committee of the Eritrean Democratic alliance (EDA) has visited today 7th March 2006 the Ministry of Foreign Affairs-Africa Department and met Anna Brandt Deputy Director General- Head of Africa Department. He was joined by Ibrahim Abdalla and Fesseha Nair information project leaders of the conference.
In his introductory speech, Mr. Hussein first and foremost thanked the ministry on behalf of the Eritrean Democratic Alliance by their good will to sit with him and listen the appeals of the Eritrean people through the official mouth of the Eritrean Democratic Alliance.
He briefed the ministry on the undemocratic and terrorizing policies of the tyrant regime in Eritrea since independence, its human rights violations, its hostile and anti- peace and democracy policies denying all fundamental rights for its citizens. The Eritrean people’s wishes and aspirations were high- jacked and the political organizations who struggled for the independence and liberation were condemned as terrorists and their attempts for dialogue and negotiation for peace and reconciliation was neglected.
Since independence, the opposition political organizations have been inviting the regime for dialogue but to no avail. The opposition organizations tried through friendly countries like the Gulf States and other neighbouring countries but all attempts were rejected by the regime in Eritrea.
The Eritrean opposition political organizations strive for peaceful transition to democracy in Eritrea where all political forces participate but the regime in Eritrea refuses this all- inclusive participation of the political organizations in Eritrea. We denounce violence and we are forces for peace, democracy human rights respect and the rule of law in Eritrea, stressed Mr. Hussein Khalifa.
Regarding how the Eritrean Democratic Alliance was established, Mr. Hussein explained briefly the process of alliance building from 1999. The opposition political organizations were convinced that a single organization couldn’t win peace and democracy in Eritrea and overcome the dictatorial regime in Eritrea on their own. Therefore, they established a national alliance embracing 13 political organization under the banner of Eritrean National Alliance. The Eritrean National Alliance has added members who were outside the alliance and in 2005 established a broad national alliance embracing 16 political organizations under the banner, Eritrean Democratic Alliance (EDA).
The Eritrean Democratic Alliance has its charter, political structure, programs and policies. Mr. Hussein focused on the building of civil society organizations and capacity building of the Eritrean Democratic Alliance preparing for future good governance. We see the regime in Eritrea as having no governmental characteristics and not at all a government but one-man rule without no checks and balances, emphasised Hussein.
Regarding the suspicion and complaints of some of the Eritrean Democratic Alliance member organizations’ alleged connection with terrorism, Mr. Hussein briefed the contact and visits conducted by the USA’s security agency in the Eritrean camps. They have talked with the leaders of these organizations and were convinced that that they have never been terrorising their people but were and are struggling for peace, democracy human right respect and the rule of law that is missing today in Eritrea. They told them that they are ready to work with all peace loving forces at national, regional and international level.
Regarding the border conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea,
When Anna asked Mr. Hussein, what was the role of EDA on the border conflict?
Mr. Hussein told the ministry that first the opposition political organizations were not partners of the conflict, but have realised that even though we were not partners the war damages our people, therefore, we were indirectly involved and decided to talk with Ethiopian government. We would also like to talk with the government in Eritrea but we were not heard. We agreed with PM Melles Zenawi that peace couldn’t be achieved by war but dialogue.
We have submitted our proposals and memos to the Sanna treaty for cooperation, AU’s Summit in Khartoum last time and to the Arab League and to Mr. Amr Moussa, Head of the Arab League. We recommended them to play the same role as they did in the Algiers agreement for end of hostilities and peace between Eritrea and Ethiopia. Mr. Hussein said, " we don’t have official mandate in the border conflict but indirectly we are involved that the conflict should be resolved peacefully," précised, Hussein.
Anna Brandt has clarified the Swedish Government policies, in general and the development assistance conditions with development countries and Eritrea in particular. She has told Him that there were hope at the beginning of independence in Eritrea but gradually, the government in Eritrea has not shown development towards peace, democracy and human rights respect, therefore we always exert pressure that the government in Eritrea changes its path.
Regarding the border conflict, she has clarified the Swedish government’s position that;
Ethiopia accepts and imply the border ruling
Eritrea should accepts the dialogue
Eritrea lifts up the ban on the UNMEE’s movement
Mr. Hussein has taken the issue of Eritrean refugees in Sudan, Ethiopia and other countries. He told the ministry that every week flee young boys and girls from Eritrea because of persecution and harassing of the regime in Eritrea. What makes one more worried is that the refugees are young generation who would have been builders of future Eritrea. There are today roughly estimated 20000 in Ethiopia and about 500000 refugees most of them who fled this time from the regime in Eritrea.
He urged the ministry that they give their NGO’s and humanitarian organizations to visit Refugee camps in Sudan and Ethiopia and support them with emergency development programs. Finally, Mr. Hussein submitted the file of the Eritrean Democratic Alliance with its charter, human rights report in Eritrea and memorandum.
Mr. Hussein Khalifa Head of the Executive Committee of the Eritrean Democratic alliance (EDA) has visited today 7th March 2006 the Ministry of Foreign Affairs-Africa Department and met Anna Brandt Deputy Director General- Head of Africa Department. He was joined by Ibrahim Abdalla and Fesseha Nair information project leaders of the conference.
In his introductory speech, Mr. Hussein first and foremost thanked the ministry on behalf of the Eritrean Democratic Alliance by their good will to sit with him and listen the appeals of the Eritrean people through the official mouth of the Eritrean Democratic Alliance.
He briefed the ministry on the undemocratic and terrorizing policies of the tyrant regime in Eritrea since independence, its human rights violations, its hostile and anti- peace and democracy policies denying all fundamental rights for its citizens. The Eritrean people’s wishes and aspirations were high- jacked and the political organizations who struggled for the independence and liberation were condemned as terrorists and their attempts for dialogue and negotiation for peace and reconciliation was neglected.
Since independence, the opposition political organizations have been inviting the regime for dialogue but to no avail. The opposition organizations tried through friendly countries like the Gulf States and other neighbouring countries but all attempts were rejected by the regime in Eritrea.
The Eritrean opposition political organizations strive for peaceful transition to democracy in Eritrea where all political forces participate but the regime in Eritrea refuses this all- inclusive participation of the political organizations in Eritrea. We denounce violence and we are forces for peace, democracy human rights respect and the rule of law in Eritrea, stressed Mr. Hussein Khalifa.
Regarding how the Eritrean Democratic Alliance was established, Mr. Hussein explained briefly the process of alliance building from 1999. The opposition political organizations were convinced that a single organization couldn’t win peace and democracy in Eritrea and overcome the dictatorial regime in Eritrea on their own. Therefore, they established a national alliance embracing 13 political organization under the banner of Eritrean National Alliance. The Eritrean National Alliance has added members who were outside the alliance and in 2005 established a broad national alliance embracing 16 political organizations under the banner, Eritrean Democratic Alliance (EDA).
The Eritrean Democratic Alliance has its charter, political structure, programs and policies. Mr. Hussein focused on the building of civil society organizations and capacity building of the Eritrean Democratic Alliance preparing for future good governance. We see the regime in Eritrea as having no governmental characteristics and not at all a government but one-man rule without no checks and balances, emphasised Hussein.
Regarding the suspicion and complaints of some of the Eritrean Democratic Alliance member organizations’ alleged connection with terrorism, Mr. Hussein briefed the contact and visits conducted by the USA’s security agency in the Eritrean camps. They have talked with the leaders of these organizations and were convinced that that they have never been terrorising their people but were and are struggling for peace, democracy human right respect and the rule of law that is missing today in Eritrea. They told them that they are ready to work with all peace loving forces at national, regional and international level.
Regarding the border conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea,
When Anna asked Mr. Hussein, what was the role of EDA on the border conflict?
Mr. Hussein told the ministry that first the opposition political organizations were not partners of the conflict, but have realised that even though we were not partners the war damages our people, therefore, we were indirectly involved and decided to talk with Ethiopian government. We would also like to talk with the government in Eritrea but we were not heard. We agreed with PM Melles Zenawi that peace couldn’t be achieved by war but dialogue.
We have submitted our proposals and memos to the Sanna treaty for cooperation, AU’s Summit in Khartoum last time and to the Arab League and to Mr. Amr Moussa, Head of the Arab League. We recommended them to play the same role as they did in the Algiers agreement for end of hostilities and peace between Eritrea and Ethiopia. Mr. Hussein said, " we don’t have official mandate in the border conflict but indirectly we are involved that the conflict should be resolved peacefully," précised, Hussein.
Anna Brandt has clarified the Swedish Government policies, in general and the development assistance conditions with development countries and Eritrea in particular. She has told Him that there were hope at the beginning of independence in Eritrea but gradually, the government in Eritrea has not shown development towards peace, democracy and human rights respect, therefore we always exert pressure that the government in Eritrea changes its path.
Regarding the border conflict, she has clarified the Swedish government’s position that;
Ethiopia accepts and imply the border ruling
Eritrea should accepts the dialogue
Eritrea lifts up the ban on the UNMEE’s movement
Mr. Hussein has taken the issue of Eritrean refugees in Sudan, Ethiopia and other countries. He told the ministry that every week flee young boys and girls from Eritrea because of persecution and harassing of the regime in Eritrea. What makes one more worried is that the refugees are young generation who would have been builders of future Eritrea. There are today roughly estimated 20000 in Ethiopia and about 500000 refugees most of them who fled this time from the regime in Eritrea.
He urged the ministry that they give their NGO’s and humanitarian organizations to visit Refugee camps in Sudan and Ethiopia and support them with emergency development programs. Finally, Mr. Hussein submitted the file of the Eritrean Democratic Alliance with its charter, human rights report in Eritrea and memorandum.
Sunday, March 05, 2006
حملة إعتقالات تطال الأسر والتلاميذ في أفعبت
عونا ـ 5 مارس 5/03/2006
شهدت مدينة أفعبت حملات اعتقالات عشوائية واسعة طالت المئات من تلاميذ المدارس ومئات أخري من الأسر، حيث قامت الأجهزة العسكرية والأمنية التي تحكم المدينة مدججة بأسلحة بمداهمات في صفوف طلاب المدارس من الصف الثامن الي العاشر وذلك يوم الأربعاء 22 فبراير الماضي متمكنة بذلك من إعتقال أربعمائة (400) طالب قامت بإرسالهم فوراً الي منطقة دنكاليا، ثم عاودت السلطات الكرة في يوم الاثنين 27 فبراير مستهدفة هذه المرة الأسر الذي هرب أبناءها من البلاد، فقبضت علي مائتي (200) أسرة بتهمة مساعدة أبنائها علي الفرارأو عدم التبليغ بذلك ـ وقد جمعوا الأسر في مخزن كبير، وفي اليوم التالي وضعوا أمامهم ثلاث خيارات :ـ
· أن يأتوا بأبنائهم فوراً.
· أن يدفعوا مبلغ خمسين ألف (50000) نقفة.
· اذا لم يستطعوا تحقيق أي من الخيارين السابقين، يستعدوا للعمل في مشاريع النظام المدنية والعسكرية لثلاثة أعوام مجاناً.
وقد طلبت بعض الأسر امهالها شهرين لتري فيما اذا كانت تستطيع تحقيق الخيارات المذكورة، وتم اطلاق سراحها بضمانات قاسية، في حين رفضت معظم الأسر الخروج من (المخزن) لمعرفتها باستحالة ما طلب منها، وهي الان خاضعة للخيار الثالث حيث يتوقع الزج بها في مشاريع النظام في أي لحظة، هذا وقد علم موقعنا بأن الأسر المعتقلة توجد فيها نسبة كبيرة من العجزة والحوامل والمعوقين والمكفوفين ـ ومن ناحية أخري أبلغت السلطات طلاب الصف الحادي عشر لكي يستعدوا للذهاب الي معسكر (ساوا) في شهر يونيو القادم.
يذكر أن حملة الاعتقالات طالت جميع الأقاليم والمدن الاريترية خلال الشهور والأيام الماضية ـ وقد بدأها النظام أولاً في الأقليم الجنوبي في شهر يوليو من العام الماضي، ويهدف النظام من الحملات الي توقيف المنحي الخطير الذي وصلته عمليات الفرار الجماعي من البلاد نحو الاتجاهات الأربعة، وهي عمليات تتم بينما الشباب الفارين موجودين اصلاً تحت سلطات النظام وفي دوائره الرسمية، وبجانب هذا الهدف فهناك أهداف أخري كثيرة يريد النظام تحقيقها من خلال حملات التجنيد واعتقال الاسر نذكر منها علي سبيل المثال :ـ
· إلهاء الشعب الاريتري وشغله عن قضاياه الحقيقية ووضعه في حالة استنفار دائم بحيث لا يفكر الا في الحملات القادمة ويتناسي جرائم النظام الأخري واخفاقاته.
· زرع البغضاء والكراهية بين أفراد الأسرة الواحدة وخلق مجتمع حاقد وكاره وفاقد الثقة علي بعضه البعض.
· الحاق أضرار اقتصادية كبيرة بالأسر وذلك بنهب ماتملكه ووفرته طيلة حياتها أو دفعها للاستدانة أو تثقيل كاهل ابنائها بالخارج.
· القضاء علي المقاومة الجماعية والفردية التي بدأت وسط المجتمع خاصة بعد ظهور مناشير سياسية معادية للنظام وظهور شعارات علي الجدران في مدن كثيرة، وظهور تجمعات سياسية منظمة في الداخل، وبعد أن بدأ إعلام المعارضة الاريترية ـ خاصة المسموع منه مثل اذاعة الشرق والتحالف وبعض التنظيمات ـ بالتأثير علي الشعب وأصبح ما يرد فيها احاديث الناس.
· ربط ما يحدث بالنزاع مع اثيوبيا وتصوير النظام بأنه حامي حمي البلاد وأن مايفعله هو من أجل السيادة وبالتالي التغاضي عنه في هذه الفترة.
· ادخال قيم جديدة علي المجتمع الاريتري تقوم علي الأنانية والفردية والرشوة وتوسيع دائرة الفساد الأخري بحيث لا تقوم للشعب الاريتري قائمة بعد رحيل النظام.
· مساعدة بعض الجنرالات والمسئولين في رفع من مستواهم المادي ووضعهم في مرتبة أقرانهم أو قريبة منها وذلك بتحويل مبلغ الخمسين ألف نقفة الي جيوبهم الخاصة.
· التأكد من صلاحية الخطة التي وضعها النظام لتحرير "بادمي" واخضاع المجتمع الدولي الي رغباته، وهي خطة تقوم علي القيام أولاً بالتمارين والتدريبات العسكرية علي آباءنا وأمهاتنا وعلي العجزة والمكفوفين والحوامل وأولئك الذين لم تطالهم يدا هيلي سلاسي ومنغستوهيلي ماريام بما ملكتاـ بحيث الانتصار عليهم يؤدي تلقائياً الي الانتصار علي اثيوبيا وعلي المجتمع الدولي، وخطة التمارين علي الشعب أفتتحها اسياس افورقي نفسه حين جربها أولاً علي أولئك الذين أعانوه علي ظلمه ( من أعان ظالماً سلطه الله عليه ) فصفع منهم من صفع واعتقل منهم من أعتقل ولطم منهم ـ بزجاجة ويسكي فاخرة يكفي سعرها لإعالة عشرين أسرة اريترية ـ من لطم.
وما زال البعض يلوم صغار المسئولين والمهرجين!
إن رغبتم في التعرف علي فساد الجنرالات والمسئولين وافسادهم في اريتريا تابعوا الآن إذاعة "دلاينا" بموقع أسمرينو.
شهدت مدينة أفعبت حملات اعتقالات عشوائية واسعة طالت المئات من تلاميذ المدارس ومئات أخري من الأسر، حيث قامت الأجهزة العسكرية والأمنية التي تحكم المدينة مدججة بأسلحة بمداهمات في صفوف طلاب المدارس من الصف الثامن الي العاشر وذلك يوم الأربعاء 22 فبراير الماضي متمكنة بذلك من إعتقال أربعمائة (400) طالب قامت بإرسالهم فوراً الي منطقة دنكاليا، ثم عاودت السلطات الكرة في يوم الاثنين 27 فبراير مستهدفة هذه المرة الأسر الذي هرب أبناءها من البلاد، فقبضت علي مائتي (200) أسرة بتهمة مساعدة أبنائها علي الفرارأو عدم التبليغ بذلك ـ وقد جمعوا الأسر في مخزن كبير، وفي اليوم التالي وضعوا أمامهم ثلاث خيارات :ـ
· أن يأتوا بأبنائهم فوراً.
· أن يدفعوا مبلغ خمسين ألف (50000) نقفة.
· اذا لم يستطعوا تحقيق أي من الخيارين السابقين، يستعدوا للعمل في مشاريع النظام المدنية والعسكرية لثلاثة أعوام مجاناً.
وقد طلبت بعض الأسر امهالها شهرين لتري فيما اذا كانت تستطيع تحقيق الخيارات المذكورة، وتم اطلاق سراحها بضمانات قاسية، في حين رفضت معظم الأسر الخروج من (المخزن) لمعرفتها باستحالة ما طلب منها، وهي الان خاضعة للخيار الثالث حيث يتوقع الزج بها في مشاريع النظام في أي لحظة، هذا وقد علم موقعنا بأن الأسر المعتقلة توجد فيها نسبة كبيرة من العجزة والحوامل والمعوقين والمكفوفين ـ ومن ناحية أخري أبلغت السلطات طلاب الصف الحادي عشر لكي يستعدوا للذهاب الي معسكر (ساوا) في شهر يونيو القادم.
يذكر أن حملة الاعتقالات طالت جميع الأقاليم والمدن الاريترية خلال الشهور والأيام الماضية ـ وقد بدأها النظام أولاً في الأقليم الجنوبي في شهر يوليو من العام الماضي، ويهدف النظام من الحملات الي توقيف المنحي الخطير الذي وصلته عمليات الفرار الجماعي من البلاد نحو الاتجاهات الأربعة، وهي عمليات تتم بينما الشباب الفارين موجودين اصلاً تحت سلطات النظام وفي دوائره الرسمية، وبجانب هذا الهدف فهناك أهداف أخري كثيرة يريد النظام تحقيقها من خلال حملات التجنيد واعتقال الاسر نذكر منها علي سبيل المثال :ـ
· إلهاء الشعب الاريتري وشغله عن قضاياه الحقيقية ووضعه في حالة استنفار دائم بحيث لا يفكر الا في الحملات القادمة ويتناسي جرائم النظام الأخري واخفاقاته.
· زرع البغضاء والكراهية بين أفراد الأسرة الواحدة وخلق مجتمع حاقد وكاره وفاقد الثقة علي بعضه البعض.
· الحاق أضرار اقتصادية كبيرة بالأسر وذلك بنهب ماتملكه ووفرته طيلة حياتها أو دفعها للاستدانة أو تثقيل كاهل ابنائها بالخارج.
· القضاء علي المقاومة الجماعية والفردية التي بدأت وسط المجتمع خاصة بعد ظهور مناشير سياسية معادية للنظام وظهور شعارات علي الجدران في مدن كثيرة، وظهور تجمعات سياسية منظمة في الداخل، وبعد أن بدأ إعلام المعارضة الاريترية ـ خاصة المسموع منه مثل اذاعة الشرق والتحالف وبعض التنظيمات ـ بالتأثير علي الشعب وأصبح ما يرد فيها احاديث الناس.
· ربط ما يحدث بالنزاع مع اثيوبيا وتصوير النظام بأنه حامي حمي البلاد وأن مايفعله هو من أجل السيادة وبالتالي التغاضي عنه في هذه الفترة.
· ادخال قيم جديدة علي المجتمع الاريتري تقوم علي الأنانية والفردية والرشوة وتوسيع دائرة الفساد الأخري بحيث لا تقوم للشعب الاريتري قائمة بعد رحيل النظام.
· مساعدة بعض الجنرالات والمسئولين في رفع من مستواهم المادي ووضعهم في مرتبة أقرانهم أو قريبة منها وذلك بتحويل مبلغ الخمسين ألف نقفة الي جيوبهم الخاصة.
· التأكد من صلاحية الخطة التي وضعها النظام لتحرير "بادمي" واخضاع المجتمع الدولي الي رغباته، وهي خطة تقوم علي القيام أولاً بالتمارين والتدريبات العسكرية علي آباءنا وأمهاتنا وعلي العجزة والمكفوفين والحوامل وأولئك الذين لم تطالهم يدا هيلي سلاسي ومنغستوهيلي ماريام بما ملكتاـ بحيث الانتصار عليهم يؤدي تلقائياً الي الانتصار علي اثيوبيا وعلي المجتمع الدولي، وخطة التمارين علي الشعب أفتتحها اسياس افورقي نفسه حين جربها أولاً علي أولئك الذين أعانوه علي ظلمه ( من أعان ظالماً سلطه الله عليه ) فصفع منهم من صفع واعتقل منهم من أعتقل ولطم منهم ـ بزجاجة ويسكي فاخرة يكفي سعرها لإعالة عشرين أسرة اريترية ـ من لطم.
وما زال البعض يلوم صغار المسئولين والمهرجين!
إن رغبتم في التعرف علي فساد الجنرالات والمسئولين وافسادهم في اريتريا تابعوا الآن إذاعة "دلاينا" بموقع أسمرينو.
När kommer demokratin till Eritrea?
Eritrea sluter sig inom sitt skal som man alltid gjort inför verkliga eller påhittade hot från omvärlden. Med slutenheten stryps förutsättningarna för maktspridning och yttrandefrihet.
Den fängslade svenske journalisten Dawit Isaak är en bricka i det spelet.
Khaled Abdu, fd chefred för den oberoende tidningen Admas,
Semret Seyoum, fd kollega till Dawit Isaak och
fotojournalisten Donald Boströmdiskuterar förutsättningarna för en demokratisk utveckling i Eritrea.
Moderator: Christian Andersson.Debatten är på engelska.
Tid: onsdagen den 8 mars, kl. 18.00.Plats: AFB-huset, Sveavägen 41,
Stockholm.Ett arrangemang av Reportrar utan gränser
Friday, March 03, 2006
Stockholms Seminar Report
By organisers
The seminar organised by the Eritrean Dialogue Forum on Saturday 26 February 2006, under a theme of , “Inter –ethnic and inter religious” was completed successfully. This was the second seminar organised by the association with a view generating a dialogue among the diverse Eritrean ethnic groups eliciting their opinion on issues that are being kept taboo but practically applied by all in their cleavages.
The objective of the meeting was to bring the various Eritrean ethnic and religious groups for exchanging information on their own historical memories of tensions and conflict. It is apparent that there are today major political organizations are all organized along ethnic and religious lines. The regime in Eritrea is the first organization getting its support by appealing ethnic and religious issues. The purpose of the seminar was to bring together all these people and discuss on the issues of ethnicity. Ethnicity is a broad concept covering a multiplicity of elements: race, culture, religion, heritage, history, language and so on.
Dialogue is different from debate in that it encourages diversity of thinking and opinions rather than suppressing these ideas. It facilitates the progressive emergence of mutual understanding of the problems and search for consensus. This is the belief of the Eritrean Dialogue Forum, in practising of dialogue one can reach agreement and find solutions, therefore dialogue is a process of problem solving. Dialogue is to listen each other not to pronounce judgements. The Eritrean Dialogue Forum creates meeting places and platforms for all Eritreans ready discuss about Eritrea and its people.
In this seminar, invited speakers were from the Kunama, Afar and Jeberti people. The seminar was moderated by Mr. Gimbot Abraha and Mr. Abdurehim Arey
(1) The Kunama people
Presenter
Mr. Peter Umet, member of the Kunama civil society in Germany and co-editor of the Kunama Website, and Lukas Davit from Sweden he is also a member of the Kunama civil society in Sweden presented their paper on the Kunama people, land and culture. Mr. Umet, in his lecture stressed the land features of the Kunama land, the historical authority of liberal egalitarian system of governance in the Kunama land, and the regional divisions of the land and people. Concerning religion , the Kunama has no conflict of religion, they belief in Christianity , islam and other natural traditional beliefs. The most significant identity factor of the Kunama people is their territoty, culture and their way life and is not religion, stressed, Umet.
Why did the Kunama could nor be able to develop is because of the continuous aggression and suppression of the internal and external forces. This continuous oppression and deprivation of their lands and culture was deteriorated by the regime in Eritrea that has taken power after independence. The Kunama people has never deserted their land and flee to the neighbouring countries during the past occupation forces but now at this time because of the ruthless dictator, flee the country and ask for asylum.
What should be done? Asked , Peter. The politic of apartheid should be uprooted and replaced by democratic ethno- federal system of governance. A system that respects the fundamental rights of the Kunama people should be established.
(2) The Afar People
Presenter
Mr. Idris Ismail from the Afar people, in his lecture provided a historical overview of the Afar people in the Horn of Africa, how they lived in before the national borders were invented in this area of Africa. When the Horn of Africa was divided in nations, the Afar people were scattered in three countries- thus Ethiopia , Djibouti and Eritrea. He analysed how the various clans and tribes inside the Afar nationality were ruled in their lands of the RED Sea region. He has elaborated the rule of the sultanates of Afar people. His analysis was chronological , thus he divided the stage before colonialism and after colonialism and how the Afar people were influenced by the foreign powers. After introductory presentation, Idris stressed, how the Italians entered the Red Sea as shipmen and explored the inland of today’s Eritrea. The Afar people were the gate and beginning of the Eritrean nationalism. What is Eritrea without the Red Sea and the Afar people? Asked, Idrs. The Afar land – the Red Sea where today the regime in Eritrea and its supporters claim has deprived the Afars their homeland and replaced them with others. How the livelihood of Afar was destroyed by the regime in Eritrea, the herdsmen , the fishermen and traders were taken their properties and today their land is experiencing demographic changes, taking the lands from the natives and distributing to others is injustice and occupation. While the Afar people flee their land other Eritreans from highlands come and take place- is this justice? What would the the Eritrean highlanders say if the Afars take power and take their lands by force? It was a national denial and immoral not to support these inhumane actions , emphasized, Idris. Finally , he concluded his lecture, how can we remedy these problems, at which part of the Eritrean body politics will we start to solve these problems and create a peaceful situation where we can live together in equality and justice.
( 3) The Jeberti people
Presenter
Mr.Abdu Suleiman from the Jeberti civil society association in Sweden presented his paper by short introduction but later elaborated the movement of the current Eritrean people from the different directions, thus those who come from the north ( Nubea) , those who come from South ( Abyssinia), those who come from the Arab Peninisula. His analysis was very elaborative and chronological. He divided the analysis in periods- the pre- national or before the invention of borders and the time during nationalism. The flight of islam believers from the Kureshi and their asylum in Abyssinia and how they were received. After a general analysis, he has focused on the historical development of the Jeberti people in this region, their struggle against oppressors and religious persecution, he has brought the ruthless and criminal action of King Johans of Ethiopia at that time harassing and killing all the believers of Islam but was later killed by the resistant movement. In his analysis, Mr. Abdu focused more on the Emirate Ifat Jeberti on their settled livelihood as agriculturalists and farmers. They had their own rulers and local laws, they have always challenged by the Christian Abyssinien rules , they were deprived of their properties at this time but the oppression has learned them that they have created other skills of livelihood , they pursued other ways of life like trade, building and other service business activities. In Eritrea, like all others , they moved from the different directions he formerly mentioned. They used to live in all parts of Eritrea but mostly in the Eritrean highlands. They were the first who were urbanized and got the first education in Eritrea. In the rural areas of the Highland their main home is known as “Misiam” in the province of Seraye.
In his second part of his analysis, he has taken the role of the Jeberti in building of Eritrean nationalism, he has taken the periods before federation with Ethiopia, here he focused how the Jeberti resisted the false federation with Ethiopa and the sacrifice they offered he referred the letters of Martyr Abdulkadir Kabire. It was a fantastic analysis. He later has taken the role of the Jeberti in organizing both the political and armed struggle, he mentioned their participation inthe Moslem league during the political struggle in Eritrea. Finally , he mentioned how the situation of Jeberti today after independence, here he stressed that the Jeberti in Eritrea has not got what they deserve but dehumanisation and second class citizens without no rights and power in their own affairs.
Discussion:
Over 100 participants from various Eritrean diversity met in their individual capacities asked discussed , commented on the issues raised by the panel and the panel responded all the questions forwarded by the participants. Participants were almost convinced by the issues raised and showed that these unmet needs should be further discussed in order to create opportunities for democratic development in Eritrea.
From the questions raised was the one which is always asked by a certain circle., this time is not the time to raise such issues, this argument is like the ruling party’s argument, we are in the war with Ethiopia, therefore this time is not to ask about human rights and democracy in Eritrea. Such argument is only to delay or bury the realities in Eritrea. But, this argument has no reality but only used to ignore the demands of the oppressed.
The issue of nationality and ethnicity was also discussed. Mr. Abdu, in his response on this issue and how the Jebrti people are nationality , he brought the characteristics that made the Jeberti as different ethnic than the other tigrinya speaking christians; is because we are different by race,culture,religion,heritage, history and so on. He added that it is not the language that make one known as ethnic or nationality but other characteristics he added.
Participants asked for further studies if the ethnicities ( Gebail ) have reached the level of development to be called nationalities.
Some issues raised by the participants were not based on the topics discussed by the lecturers. Every lecturer has expressed its own people’s situation and how they are oppressed by the ruling regime in Eritrea in particular. The grim scenario in Eritrea can only be challenged by the union of all oppressed, concluded the meeting.
Organizing Committee
The seminar organised by the Eritrean Dialogue Forum on Saturday 26 February 2006, under a theme of , “Inter –ethnic and inter religious” was completed successfully. This was the second seminar organised by the association with a view generating a dialogue among the diverse Eritrean ethnic groups eliciting their opinion on issues that are being kept taboo but practically applied by all in their cleavages.
The objective of the meeting was to bring the various Eritrean ethnic and religious groups for exchanging information on their own historical memories of tensions and conflict. It is apparent that there are today major political organizations are all organized along ethnic and religious lines. The regime in Eritrea is the first organization getting its support by appealing ethnic and religious issues. The purpose of the seminar was to bring together all these people and discuss on the issues of ethnicity. Ethnicity is a broad concept covering a multiplicity of elements: race, culture, religion, heritage, history, language and so on.
Dialogue is different from debate in that it encourages diversity of thinking and opinions rather than suppressing these ideas. It facilitates the progressive emergence of mutual understanding of the problems and search for consensus. This is the belief of the Eritrean Dialogue Forum, in practising of dialogue one can reach agreement and find solutions, therefore dialogue is a process of problem solving. Dialogue is to listen each other not to pronounce judgements. The Eritrean Dialogue Forum creates meeting places and platforms for all Eritreans ready discuss about Eritrea and its people.
In this seminar, invited speakers were from the Kunama, Afar and Jeberti people. The seminar was moderated by Mr. Gimbot Abraha and Mr. Abdurehim Arey
(1) The Kunama people
Presenter
Mr. Peter Umet, member of the Kunama civil society in Germany and co-editor of the Kunama Website, and Lukas Davit from Sweden he is also a member of the Kunama civil society in Sweden presented their paper on the Kunama people, land and culture. Mr. Umet, in his lecture stressed the land features of the Kunama land, the historical authority of liberal egalitarian system of governance in the Kunama land, and the regional divisions of the land and people. Concerning religion , the Kunama has no conflict of religion, they belief in Christianity , islam and other natural traditional beliefs. The most significant identity factor of the Kunama people is their territoty, culture and their way life and is not religion, stressed, Umet.
Why did the Kunama could nor be able to develop is because of the continuous aggression and suppression of the internal and external forces. This continuous oppression and deprivation of their lands and culture was deteriorated by the regime in Eritrea that has taken power after independence. The Kunama people has never deserted their land and flee to the neighbouring countries during the past occupation forces but now at this time because of the ruthless dictator, flee the country and ask for asylum.
What should be done? Asked , Peter. The politic of apartheid should be uprooted and replaced by democratic ethno- federal system of governance. A system that respects the fundamental rights of the Kunama people should be established.
(2) The Afar People
Presenter
Mr. Idris Ismail from the Afar people, in his lecture provided a historical overview of the Afar people in the Horn of Africa, how they lived in before the national borders were invented in this area of Africa. When the Horn of Africa was divided in nations, the Afar people were scattered in three countries- thus Ethiopia , Djibouti and Eritrea. He analysed how the various clans and tribes inside the Afar nationality were ruled in their lands of the RED Sea region. He has elaborated the rule of the sultanates of Afar people. His analysis was chronological , thus he divided the stage before colonialism and after colonialism and how the Afar people were influenced by the foreign powers. After introductory presentation, Idris stressed, how the Italians entered the Red Sea as shipmen and explored the inland of today’s Eritrea. The Afar people were the gate and beginning of the Eritrean nationalism. What is Eritrea without the Red Sea and the Afar people? Asked, Idrs. The Afar land – the Red Sea where today the regime in Eritrea and its supporters claim has deprived the Afars their homeland and replaced them with others. How the livelihood of Afar was destroyed by the regime in Eritrea, the herdsmen , the fishermen and traders were taken their properties and today their land is experiencing demographic changes, taking the lands from the natives and distributing to others is injustice and occupation. While the Afar people flee their land other Eritreans from highlands come and take place- is this justice? What would the the Eritrean highlanders say if the Afars take power and take their lands by force? It was a national denial and immoral not to support these inhumane actions , emphasized, Idris. Finally , he concluded his lecture, how can we remedy these problems, at which part of the Eritrean body politics will we start to solve these problems and create a peaceful situation where we can live together in equality and justice.
( 3) The Jeberti people
Presenter
Mr.Abdu Suleiman from the Jeberti civil society association in Sweden presented his paper by short introduction but later elaborated the movement of the current Eritrean people from the different directions, thus those who come from the north ( Nubea) , those who come from South ( Abyssinia), those who come from the Arab Peninisula. His analysis was very elaborative and chronological. He divided the analysis in periods- the pre- national or before the invention of borders and the time during nationalism. The flight of islam believers from the Kureshi and their asylum in Abyssinia and how they were received. After a general analysis, he has focused on the historical development of the Jeberti people in this region, their struggle against oppressors and religious persecution, he has brought the ruthless and criminal action of King Johans of Ethiopia at that time harassing and killing all the believers of Islam but was later killed by the resistant movement. In his analysis, Mr. Abdu focused more on the Emirate Ifat Jeberti on their settled livelihood as agriculturalists and farmers. They had their own rulers and local laws, they have always challenged by the Christian Abyssinien rules , they were deprived of their properties at this time but the oppression has learned them that they have created other skills of livelihood , they pursued other ways of life like trade, building and other service business activities. In Eritrea, like all others , they moved from the different directions he formerly mentioned. They used to live in all parts of Eritrea but mostly in the Eritrean highlands. They were the first who were urbanized and got the first education in Eritrea. In the rural areas of the Highland their main home is known as “Misiam” in the province of Seraye.
In his second part of his analysis, he has taken the role of the Jeberti in building of Eritrean nationalism, he has taken the periods before federation with Ethiopia, here he focused how the Jeberti resisted the false federation with Ethiopa and the sacrifice they offered he referred the letters of Martyr Abdulkadir Kabire. It was a fantastic analysis. He later has taken the role of the Jeberti in organizing both the political and armed struggle, he mentioned their participation inthe Moslem league during the political struggle in Eritrea. Finally , he mentioned how the situation of Jeberti today after independence, here he stressed that the Jeberti in Eritrea has not got what they deserve but dehumanisation and second class citizens without no rights and power in their own affairs.
Discussion:
Over 100 participants from various Eritrean diversity met in their individual capacities asked discussed , commented on the issues raised by the panel and the panel responded all the questions forwarded by the participants. Participants were almost convinced by the issues raised and showed that these unmet needs should be further discussed in order to create opportunities for democratic development in Eritrea.
From the questions raised was the one which is always asked by a certain circle., this time is not the time to raise such issues, this argument is like the ruling party’s argument, we are in the war with Ethiopia, therefore this time is not to ask about human rights and democracy in Eritrea. Such argument is only to delay or bury the realities in Eritrea. But, this argument has no reality but only used to ignore the demands of the oppressed.
The issue of nationality and ethnicity was also discussed. Mr. Abdu, in his response on this issue and how the Jebrti people are nationality , he brought the characteristics that made the Jeberti as different ethnic than the other tigrinya speaking christians; is because we are different by race,culture,religion,heritage, history and so on. He added that it is not the language that make one known as ethnic or nationality but other characteristics he added.
Participants asked for further studies if the ethnicities ( Gebail ) have reached the level of development to be called nationalities.
Some issues raised by the participants were not based on the topics discussed by the lecturers. Every lecturer has expressed its own people’s situation and how they are oppressed by the ruling regime in Eritrea in particular. The grim scenario in Eritrea can only be challenged by the union of all oppressed, concluded the meeting.
Organizing Committee
Eritrea ban blamed for UN death
The United Nations has accused Eritrea of placing its personnel at risk with a ban on helicopter flights.
This follows the death of an Indian peacekeeper on his way to hospital after a cardiac arrest in the buffer zone between Eritrea and Ethiopia.
The evacuation flight took nearly four hours instead of 50 minutes. The helicopter had to use a longer route because of the ban, which Eritrea introduced in October, along with restrictions on ground patrols.
Eritrea believes the international community is not putting enough pressure on Ethiopia to accept a border demarcation made by an independent commission in 2000.
The neighbours fought a brutal war between 1997-2000 which ended with a peace agreement committing both sides to abide by the ruling of an independent commission which demarcated the boundary.
However, Ethiopia has not withdrawn its troops from the disputed border town of Badme, which the commission awarded to Eritrea.
Last year, Eritrea banned UN helicopter flights and called for the expulsion of Western peacekeepers.
In January, Eritrea's President Isaias Afewerki refused to allow the team of US diplomats and army officials to visit the border area.
This follows the death of an Indian peacekeeper on his way to hospital after a cardiac arrest in the buffer zone between Eritrea and Ethiopia.
The evacuation flight took nearly four hours instead of 50 minutes. The helicopter had to use a longer route because of the ban, which Eritrea introduced in October, along with restrictions on ground patrols.
Eritrea believes the international community is not putting enough pressure on Ethiopia to accept a border demarcation made by an independent commission in 2000.
The neighbours fought a brutal war between 1997-2000 which ended with a peace agreement committing both sides to abide by the ruling of an independent commission which demarcated the boundary.
However, Ethiopia has not withdrawn its troops from the disputed border town of Badme, which the commission awarded to Eritrea.
Last year, Eritrea banned UN helicopter flights and called for the expulsion of Western peacekeepers.
In January, Eritrea's President Isaias Afewerki refused to allow the team of US diplomats and army officials to visit the border area.
Thursday, March 02, 2006
خلافات حادة بين الجنرال ( وجو ) وحاكم مدينة أسمرا وإعتقال الكولونيل فسها أبرها
300) اسمرينو : ECMSنشبت خلافات حادة بين الجنرال الذائع الصيت قرزقهير عندماريام ( وجو )
وحاكم مدينة أسمرا سمري رؤسوم وذلك إثر قيام الأول بإعتقال عدد من الطلاب وأبائهم للتحقيق في مصرع إبنه وسجنهم في مكان مجهول في إستغلال واضح لنفوذه ، متجاوزاً اللجنة المختصة المكلفة بالتحقيق في حادثة مصرع إبنه الذي توفي إثر سقوطه من الطابق الأول في المدرسة التي يدرس بها ، وذكرت المصادر إن تصاعد الخلافات بين الرجلين قد تؤدي إلى نقل الجنرال وجو إلى إقليم آخر .ووعلى صعيد آخر قامت السلطات بإعتقال الكولونيل فسها أبرها المشهور ( بودي أبرها ) في السابع والعشرين من فبراير الماضي وذلك إثر رفضه لما يدور داخل النظام من الإعداد للمواجهة العسكرية مع إثيوبيا .
Wednesday, March 01, 2006
Journalister får fängelsestraff i Eritrea
I onsdags hade organisationen Reportrar utan gränser ett seminarium om Eritrea. Det handlade om pressfriheten i landet. Khaled Abdu från Eritrea talade på seminariet. Han är journalist och har lämnat Eritrea. Han bor nu i Sverige.
Samhälle (Sesam) – I Eritrea finns ingen fri press längre, säger Abdu. Khaled Abdu lämnade Eritrea efter att ha suttit i fängelse flera gånger. Efter freden med Etiopien år 2000 har Eritrea blivit en diktatur. Det finns bara ett parti i Eritrea. De äger också det enda tidningstryckeriet. Journalister som skriver artiklar som regimen inte tycker om skickar man till armén eller i fängelse.
Det enda sättet att göra tidningar är att skriva dem utanför Eritrea och sedan skicka dem dit. Men man får inte sälja tidningar till armén. Det är där de unga finns. De som fortfarande ger ut tidningar skriver bara positiva saker om regimen nu. De vill inte få fängelsestraff. När Eritrea krigade med Etiopien kunde människor starta tidningar i Eritrea. Det var svårt redan då, men nu är det omöjligt. De som fick tillstånd att starta tidningar under kriget har förlorat de här tillstånden nu.
Dessutom censurerar regimen de artiklar som människor skriver, så att de inte skriver saker som kritiserar Eritreas politik. Khaled Abdu är pessimistisk om framtiden. Efter kriget bestämde regimen att det är bättre om sanningen inte kommer fram, säger Khaled Abdu. Han tror att det enda som kan få regimen att ändra sig är om andra länder ber dem att ta bort de här lagarna.
– Just nu har ingen människa i Eritrea några politiska rättigheter, säger Khaled Abdu.
Karin Holmberg
Samhälle (Sesam) – I Eritrea finns ingen fri press längre, säger Abdu. Khaled Abdu lämnade Eritrea efter att ha suttit i fängelse flera gånger. Efter freden med Etiopien år 2000 har Eritrea blivit en diktatur. Det finns bara ett parti i Eritrea. De äger också det enda tidningstryckeriet. Journalister som skriver artiklar som regimen inte tycker om skickar man till armén eller i fängelse.
Det enda sättet att göra tidningar är att skriva dem utanför Eritrea och sedan skicka dem dit. Men man får inte sälja tidningar till armén. Det är där de unga finns. De som fortfarande ger ut tidningar skriver bara positiva saker om regimen nu. De vill inte få fängelsestraff. När Eritrea krigade med Etiopien kunde människor starta tidningar i Eritrea. Det var svårt redan då, men nu är det omöjligt. De som fick tillstånd att starta tidningar under kriget har förlorat de här tillstånden nu.
Dessutom censurerar regimen de artiklar som människor skriver, så att de inte skriver saker som kritiserar Eritreas politik. Khaled Abdu är pessimistisk om framtiden. Efter kriget bestämde regimen att det är bättre om sanningen inte kommer fram, säger Khaled Abdu. Han tror att det enda som kan få regimen att ändra sig är om andra länder ber dem att ta bort de här lagarna.
– Just nu har ingen människa i Eritrea några politiska rättigheter, säger Khaled Abdu.
Karin Holmberg
Pressfrihet i Eritrea
En tisdagskväll i april har Reportrar Utan Gränser arrangerat ett seminarium om pressfrihet i Eritrea i Sidas lokaler på Sveavägen i Stockholm. Medverkande är bland annat pressombudsman Olle Stenholm, som för kvällen agerar moderator, den eritreanske journalisten Khaled Abdu, som flytt sitt hemland för att söka politisk asyl i Sverige, samt Folke Löfgren, Stockholmsbaserad svensk ambassadör för Eritrea. Seminariet ska, utöver eritreansk pressfrihet i allmänhet, komma att behandla Dawit Isaac, en svensk-eritreansk journalist som sedan september 2001 sitter fängslad i Eritrea. Frågan har blivit utrikespolitiskt laddad då den eritreanska regeringen vägrar att uppge för svenska myndigheter var Isaac finns, genom att hänvisa till hans eritreanska medborgarskap.
Redan innan mötet börjar är stämningen i den fullsatta lokalen spänd och hetsig. Uppslutningen är stor och sittplatserna räcker inte till – många tvingas stå utmed väggarna. Då en man vill videofilma seminariet utbryter protester, och Olle Stenholm försöker mana till lugn genom att poängtera att demokrati och åsiktsfrihet kommer att vara ledorden för den fortsatta diskussionen. Skulle någon i publiken ha problem med dessa begrepp är det bara attlämna rummet, menar Stenholm.Debatten tar sin början trots att stämningen fortfarande är orolig. Khaled Abdu visar en inspelning med Dawit Isaac, gjord bara cirka 2 veckor innan han greps.
Khaled Abdu översätter vad Isaac säger i videoinspelningen. Bland annat uttrycker han som privatperson, inte som journalist, ett stöd för reformisterna (de elva ministrar som arresterades i Eritrea år 2001, efter att ha kritiserat den sittande regeringen). Då Khaled Abdu hävdar att ingen vet huruvida dessa fängslade ministrar och journalister är i livet eller ej, uppstår på nytt högljudda verbala protester bland åhörarna. Därefter får Folke Löfgren, som den svenska statens företrädare, frågan vilka ansträngningar Sverige gjort för att hjälpa Dawit Isaac sedan han fängslades: – Problemet är att den eritreanska regeringen ser Dawit Isaac enbart som eritreansk medborgare, säger Löfgren. Vi kan givetvis inte förneka det, men han är också svensk medborgare. Av principiella och humanitära skäl måste vi gå vidare med det här fallet, och ärendet står ständigt på agendan. Han tillägger sedan att han är tacksam för att kvällens seminarium äger rum, eftersom svenska staten, som han uttrycker det, ”behöver stöd för att klargöra hur viktig frågan är”.Det är när Khaled Abdu ska visa ytterligare ett filmklipp, denna gång med Eritreas f.d. ambassadör i Sverige, som mötet spårar ur. I inspelningen anklagar ambassadören Dawit Isaac för att spionera för Danmark. Khaled Abdu vill visa klippet för att peka på absurditeten i de skäl som anförs för att hålla Dawit Isaac fängslad. Efter visningen anser en del av publiken att intervjun ska översättas, och det är då kaos bryter ut. Stolar kastas upp på scenen, slagsmål utbryter och resten av åhörarna försöker desperat ta sig ut ur lokalen. Polis kallas till platsen. Att spänningarna mellan de olika eritreanska grupperna är stor går inte att ta miste på. Dock menar vissa åhörare att somliga i publiken kommit till seminariet enbart för att bråka och störa mötet så att det måste avbrytas – vilket också sker. Inte ens halva seminarietiden har passerat då diskussionen får ett abrupt slut.
Redan innan mötet börjar är stämningen i den fullsatta lokalen spänd och hetsig. Uppslutningen är stor och sittplatserna räcker inte till – många tvingas stå utmed väggarna. Då en man vill videofilma seminariet utbryter protester, och Olle Stenholm försöker mana till lugn genom att poängtera att demokrati och åsiktsfrihet kommer att vara ledorden för den fortsatta diskussionen. Skulle någon i publiken ha problem med dessa begrepp är det bara attlämna rummet, menar Stenholm.Debatten tar sin början trots att stämningen fortfarande är orolig. Khaled Abdu visar en inspelning med Dawit Isaac, gjord bara cirka 2 veckor innan han greps.
Khaled Abdu översätter vad Isaac säger i videoinspelningen. Bland annat uttrycker han som privatperson, inte som journalist, ett stöd för reformisterna (de elva ministrar som arresterades i Eritrea år 2001, efter att ha kritiserat den sittande regeringen). Då Khaled Abdu hävdar att ingen vet huruvida dessa fängslade ministrar och journalister är i livet eller ej, uppstår på nytt högljudda verbala protester bland åhörarna. Därefter får Folke Löfgren, som den svenska statens företrädare, frågan vilka ansträngningar Sverige gjort för att hjälpa Dawit Isaac sedan han fängslades: – Problemet är att den eritreanska regeringen ser Dawit Isaac enbart som eritreansk medborgare, säger Löfgren. Vi kan givetvis inte förneka det, men han är också svensk medborgare. Av principiella och humanitära skäl måste vi gå vidare med det här fallet, och ärendet står ständigt på agendan. Han tillägger sedan att han är tacksam för att kvällens seminarium äger rum, eftersom svenska staten, som han uttrycker det, ”behöver stöd för att klargöra hur viktig frågan är”.Det är när Khaled Abdu ska visa ytterligare ett filmklipp, denna gång med Eritreas f.d. ambassadör i Sverige, som mötet spårar ur. I inspelningen anklagar ambassadören Dawit Isaac för att spionera för Danmark. Khaled Abdu vill visa klippet för att peka på absurditeten i de skäl som anförs för att hålla Dawit Isaac fängslad. Efter visningen anser en del av publiken att intervjun ska översättas, och det är då kaos bryter ut. Stolar kastas upp på scenen, slagsmål utbryter och resten av åhörarna försöker desperat ta sig ut ur lokalen. Polis kallas till platsen. Att spänningarna mellan de olika eritreanska grupperna är stor går inte att ta miste på. Dock menar vissa åhörare att somliga i publiken kommit till seminariet enbart för att bråka och störa mötet så att det måste avbrytas – vilket också sker. Inte ens halva seminarietiden har passerat då diskussionen får ett abrupt slut.
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