När Eritreas president Isaias Afwerki samma år som självständigheten flög till Israel för avancerad medicinsk behandling tycks han ha knutit band med den judiska staten som möjligen kan kopplas till att den eritreanska statsledningen är sekulärt kristen, det vill säga inte muslimsk och Israelfientlig. 1995 ingicks ett formellt avtal mellan de båda länderna.
Under en lång följd av år har Israel haft två militära anläggningar i Eritrea, den ena för signalspaning och den andra som underhållsbas för Israels tyskbyggda ubåtar som sannolikt är bestyckade med kärnvapen.
Därtill uppges från olika, låt vara obekräftade, källor att Israel förvarar kärnbränsleavfall från sin Dimona-reaktor på två öar utanför eritreanska kusten.
Enligt massmedier i Jemen på andra sidan Adenviken utnyttjade Israel krigsfartyg från sina eritreanska baser för att stödja sina militära operationer under kriget mot Libanon sommaren 2006.
Dock verkar denna eritreansk-israeliska halvallians numera vara rätt ansträngd. Bland annat den brittiska tidningen Sunday Times (19/4) rapporterar om att Israel har börjat dra öronen åt sig efter att Eritrea och president Afwerki på sistone har fördjupat sitt samarbete med en av Israels fiender: Islamiska republiken Iran.
Eritrea och Iran har haft hyggliga om än inte dynamiska relationer med varandra i ganska många år. Men det var efter ett besök av Afwerki i Teheran i maj förra året som samarbetet tog verklig fart.
- För Iran och Eritrea finns inga gränser för hur mycket vi kan utvidga vårt ömsesidiga samarbete. Våra länder har samma syn på regionala och globala frågor och hur man ska motstå hegemoniska stormakters intrång, sade den iranske presidenten Mahmoud Ahmadinejad efter sina möten med Afwerki.
Mest konkret och välkänt är att Iran har renoverat ett oljeraffinaderi och etablerat något slags bas i hamnstaden Assab vid Arabiska sjön. Enligt frekventa, fast omstridda, uppgifter i massmedier och på internet har Iran också stationerat trupper i Assab samt örlogsfartyg, helikoptrar, och luftvärnsmissiler.
Också mellan Eritrea och Kina har förbindelserna tätnat på senare år. Kinesiska företag har gjort förhållandevis stora investeringar i Eritrea, delvis utländskt finansierade biståndsprojekt, men också rent kinesiska affärsprojekt. Varje år kommer åtskilliga hundra kinesiska affärsmän till Eritrea, och ungefär lika många eritreanska lärare och forskare utbildas varje år vid kinesiska universitet.
Som ett slags betalning för denna kinesiska rundhänthet har Afwerkiregimen anslutit sig till Kinas ståndpunkt beträffande Tibet. Exempelvis utfärdar det styrande partiet Folkfronten för demokrati och rättvisa allt som oftast fördömanden av Dalai Lama och dennes försök att leda Tibets tidigare "härskande feodalklass" till revolt mot det kinesiska styret.
En självklar fråga är: Varifrån får Eritrea vapen till sin förhållandevis tungt rustade krigsmakt.
Enligt minutiösa och ständigt uppdaterade rapporter från fredsforskningsinstitutet Sipri i Stockholm kommer vapnen främst från fyra håll, alla inom det forna Sovjetblocket: Ryssland, Ukraina, Vitryssland och Bulgarien.
Härifrån har Eritrea under de senaste tio åren fått, eller fått köpa, hundratals stridsvagnar och artilleripjäser, minst ett dussin moderna stridsflygplan samt flera hundra luftvärns- och antistridsvagnsmissiler.
Denna vapenström har alltså pågått efter att Eritrea utkämpade ett extremt blodigt gränskrig mot Etiopien 1998-2000. Det väcker förstås en ny fråga: Förbereder sig Afwerkiregimen för nya krigsäventyr, med stöd av en påfylld vapenarsenal och Eritreas udda allierade?
Per Jönsson
Information is the best weapon to defend human rights. We are what We know and the more we know the more we succed in all we do.
Friday, May 01, 2009
Tsega Sereke Tewelde need not return to Eritrea

Friday, May 01, 2009
Tsega Sereke Tewelde need not return to Eritrea
Published 2009-04-29 23:55
On Wednesday, the Migration Board, 25-year-old eritrea skan Tsega Sereke Tewelde permanent residence, even though she had previously tvångsutvisas. Migration Board will now review the old refusal before any tvångsutvisas to Eritrea.
When the DN met 25-year Tsega Sereke Tewelde a month ago, she had just released from the Migration Board custody in Gävle, where she had been locked up for four months in anticipation of the likely become tvångsutvisad to Eritrea.
In mid-March, the Swedish Migration Board that there was nothing that prevented the deportation. A week later changed migration court decision. Tsega Sereke Tewelde was granted a new trial. In earlier decisions had not been taken into account that Tsega Sereke Tewelde was punished because she fled illegally when she was 18, shortly before DRAFT.
On Wednesday was Tsega Sereke Tewelde know that she, after six years in Sweden and several rejections, finally now been granted permanent residence of the Swedish Migration Board, which is only a month ago said that she would tvångsutvisas.
- Now I finally learn English properly, "said Tsega Sereke Tewelde, which on several occasions to cancel the instruction when the authorities refused her requests for asylum.
During the years in Sweden, she cleaned the offices and homes of the elderly in Stockholm suburbs in home management.
- Now I want to finally educate me. I will be undersköterska, "she says.
Tsega Sereke Tewelde is one of the hundreds of Eritreans who were rejecting their applications for asylum a few years ago. Last year was executed a couple of forced expulsions, despite protests, including one from Amnesty. At the same time came reports that the situation in Eritrea deteriorated. Many threatened with deportation earlier refusal has therefore put forward new data from Eritrea as a reason for the expulsion should not be enforced. So far, the Swedish Migration Board usually rejected their request. But as DN attention has migration court in Stockholm often amended the Migration Board adverse decision and granted the new trial.
In the near future, the Migration Board now to take a guiding decisions requiring a change.
- I am very concerned about developments in Eritrea. Before the eri-Trean who have older refusal expelled, we shall re-assess the risk that they be punished if they are deemed to have concealed themselves from military service, "said Migration Board of Legal Mikael Ribbenvik.
Ann Persson
ann.persson @ dn.se
Tsega Sereke Tewelde behöver inte återvända till Eritrea
Publicerat 2009-04-29 23:55
På onsdagen gav Migrationsverket den 25-åriga eritreanskan Tsega Sereke Tewelde permanent uppehållstillstånd trots att hon tidigare skulle tvångsutvisas. Migrationsverket ska nu granska gamla avslagsbeslut innan någon tvångsutvisas till Eritrea.
När DN träffade 25-åriga Tsega Sereke Tewelde för en månad sedan hade hon just släppts ur Migrationsverkets förvar i Gävle, där hon hade suttit inlåst i fyra månader i väntan på att sannolikt bli tvångsutvisad till Eritrea.
I mitten av mars ansåg Migrationsverket att det inte fanns något som hindrade en utvisning. En vecka senare ändrade migrationsdomstolen beslutet. Tsega Sereke Tewelde beviljades en ny prövning. I tidigare beslut hade man nämligen inte tagit hänsyn till att Tsega Sereke Tewelde kunde bestraffas för att hon flytt illegalt när hon var 18, strax före inkallelsen till militärtjänst.
På onsdagen fick Tsega Sereke Tewelde veta att hon, efter sex år i Sverige och flera avslag, till sist nu beviljats permanent uppehållstillstånd av Migrationsverket, som alltså bara för en månad sedan menade att hon skulle tvångsutvisas.
– Nu ska jag äntligen lära mig svenska ordentligt, säger Tsega Sereke Tewelde, som flera gånger fått avbryta undervisningen när myndigheterna avslagit hennes asylansökningar.
Under åren i Sverige har hon städat på kontor och hemma hos äldre i Stockholms förorter i hemtjänstens regi.
– Nu vill jag äntligen utbilda mig. Jag tänker bli undersköterska, säger hon.
Tsega Sereke Tewelde är en av det hundratal eritreaner, som fick avslag på sina asylansökningar för ett par år sedan. Förra året verkställdes ett par tvångsutvisningar trots protester från bland annat Amnesty. Samtidigt kom rapporter om att situationen i Eritrea förvärrats. Många utvisningshotade med äldre avslagsbeslut har därför anfört nya uppgifter från Eritrea som ett skäl för att utvisningen inte ska verkställas. Hittills har Migrationsverket oftast avslagit deras begäran. Men som DN uppmärksammat har migrationsdomstolen i Stockholm ofta ändrat Migrationsverkets negativa beslut och beviljat ny prövning.
Inom kort kommer Migrationsverket nu att fatta ett vägledande beslut som innebär en förändring.
– Jag är mycket oroad över utvecklingen i Eritrea. Innan de eri-treaner som har äldre avslagsbeslut utvisas ska vi på nytt bedöma risken för att de bestraffas om de kan anses ha undanhållit sig från militärtjänsten, säger Migrationsverkets rättschef Mikael Ribbenvik.
Ann Persson
ann.persson@dn.se
På onsdagen gav Migrationsverket den 25-åriga eritreanskan Tsega Sereke Tewelde permanent uppehållstillstånd trots att hon tidigare skulle tvångsutvisas. Migrationsverket ska nu granska gamla avslagsbeslut innan någon tvångsutvisas till Eritrea.
När DN träffade 25-åriga Tsega Sereke Tewelde för en månad sedan hade hon just släppts ur Migrationsverkets förvar i Gävle, där hon hade suttit inlåst i fyra månader i väntan på att sannolikt bli tvångsutvisad till Eritrea.
I mitten av mars ansåg Migrationsverket att det inte fanns något som hindrade en utvisning. En vecka senare ändrade migrationsdomstolen beslutet. Tsega Sereke Tewelde beviljades en ny prövning. I tidigare beslut hade man nämligen inte tagit hänsyn till att Tsega Sereke Tewelde kunde bestraffas för att hon flytt illegalt när hon var 18, strax före inkallelsen till militärtjänst.
På onsdagen fick Tsega Sereke Tewelde veta att hon, efter sex år i Sverige och flera avslag, till sist nu beviljats permanent uppehållstillstånd av Migrationsverket, som alltså bara för en månad sedan menade att hon skulle tvångsutvisas.
– Nu ska jag äntligen lära mig svenska ordentligt, säger Tsega Sereke Tewelde, som flera gånger fått avbryta undervisningen när myndigheterna avslagit hennes asylansökningar.
Under åren i Sverige har hon städat på kontor och hemma hos äldre i Stockholms förorter i hemtjänstens regi.
– Nu vill jag äntligen utbilda mig. Jag tänker bli undersköterska, säger hon.
Tsega Sereke Tewelde är en av det hundratal eritreaner, som fick avslag på sina asylansökningar för ett par år sedan. Förra året verkställdes ett par tvångsutvisningar trots protester från bland annat Amnesty. Samtidigt kom rapporter om att situationen i Eritrea förvärrats. Många utvisningshotade med äldre avslagsbeslut har därför anfört nya uppgifter från Eritrea som ett skäl för att utvisningen inte ska verkställas. Hittills har Migrationsverket oftast avslagit deras begäran. Men som DN uppmärksammat har migrationsdomstolen i Stockholm ofta ändrat Migrationsverkets negativa beslut och beviljat ny prövning.
Inom kort kommer Migrationsverket nu att fatta ett vägledande beslut som innebär en förändring.
– Jag är mycket oroad över utvecklingen i Eritrea. Innan de eri-treaner som har äldre avslagsbeslut utvisas ska vi på nytt bedöma risken för att de bestraffas om de kan anses ha undanhållit sig från militärtjänsten, säger Migrationsverkets rättschef Mikael Ribbenvik.
Ann Persson
ann.persson@dn.se
Thursday, April 23, 2009
Online chatt with Michela Wrong with DN readers in Sweden

moderatorThe clock has now past 14:00 and close the chat. We thank all participants.
Yohannes
I beg to differ to your claim "only the elit have access to mobil". You can visit any village in Eritrea to find people with mobil phones, let alone people in the cities. Speakning of Internet have you read FAIR agreement with the Ministry of Education in Eritrea initiating large-scale ICT project between Eritrea and Norway that it's been going on since 2004? UNESCO report it as success story.
Michela WrongThanks for the correction. I have not been to Eritrea for three years now, so my impressions get out of date - that's the problem when you cannot get into a country! When I was last there the mobile phone network itself looked likely to collapse because of problems the company concerned was experiencing repatriating its profits. That's good to know.
Sarah
Thank You Michela You are Ambassador of Eritrea. The ignorance in the west of why Africa is the way it is and the manipulation that still goes is astounding. What ever African's say does not seem to be listened. I always recommend your book to people. Thanks again
Michela WrongThank you. I hope what comes across in my book is that while I certainly have criticisms of the current Eritrean administration - much more so now, in fact, than when I finished the book -- I have huge sympathy for the Eritrean people, and feel their amazing story and current predicament have been sorely neglected by the rest of the world and deserve to be more widely known.
True Eeritrean
Hi why is the international comunity quite when it comes to the border problem with Ethiopia, don't you think that is the bigest problem in the horn, what happen to the role off law. Then do you have any prove when you say that eritrea is helping the al shebab in Somalia because Eritrea was accused to have 2000 trops in somalia before the invation of the ethiopian army into somalia but they could not find any eritrean except to jornalists who are in preson in ethiopia and no one talks about them.
Michela WrongThe international community does not connect up the dots, sadly. As a journalist writing about these issues, I always try and point out the links between the border ruling and the situation in Somalia, where Ethiopia and Eritrea continued their quarrel in the form of a proxy war. Few listen, sadly. But Eritrea has done itself no favours. It should meet emissaries from the West, not matter how ignorant they seem, not insult them on its websites and refuse to talk to them. And this game of supporting the opposition groups of neighbouring regimes is a stupid one to play. It sows anarchy in the region, and simply confirms the stereotype of Eritrea as being a pariah nation. I do not believe for a moment there were 2,000 Eritreans fighting in Somalia but it seems pretty clear Isaias has been generous with his support to the fundamentalist dissident factions of Somalia. And all that did was confirm Washington in its view that he is a leader the States cannot do business with and that Eritrea has chosen the other side in the War on Terror. In my view, that was a really dangerous strategic mistake on Isaias' part.
Adulis
DN is the first papper to tell that your book is "excommunicated" or "baned" in Eritrea. The same way Iran did with The Satanic Verses of Rushdie. This is a big news for me as an Eritrean. Infact I did read your book on my way to Eritrea in July 2008. I read it on the plane, had it in my hand in the Airport, read it in Asmara and Massawa ( i admit I am a slow reader :-). When did Eritrea ban your book? How is the public in Eritrea and outside the country informed that it is prohibit to read/have your book? This is very important for many to know as it the first book ever to be banned in Eritrea - as far as I'm concerned. Michela WrongWhen the book first came out, it was openly circulating in Asmara and I know that even government ministers were spotted with it on their desks. Then, as the presidency, became ever more sensitive to criticism of any kind, the attitude changed. I heard it had been "reviewed" live on Eritrean television for several nights running, and that the review was basically one long, angry denunciation. I know for a fact that not a single bookshop in Asmara sells it now. I'm sure people in the diaspora take it in with them - please carry on doing that - but you can't get it locally. Does all this count as an official "ban"? I would say an unofficial ban. And the last time I applied for a visa, I was not granted one. I hope this is a temporary state of affairs, but I'm not counting on it. When I first visited Eritrea, the government was confident enough, and wise enough, to tolerate criticism, as it knew that alongside the criticism went friendly concern. As a journalist, you would be told where you had got it wrong, but you were allowed in. Now I don't believe it's possible for British journalists to even get into the country. And there is no one left to criticise the regime, not the university, not the Orthodox Church or the Imams, not the intellectuals, not the press.
Sara
Hi! What do you think would be the best way to sole the situation in Eritrea? Is there any hope at all?
Michela WrongToo big a question! I think the international community should do what it can to sort out the stalemate over the border with Ethiopia, because, firstly, that is the right thing to do and because, secondly, that is an area in which it has some influence. But I think it's likely that change in Eritrea will come from within, and it can only come, I believe, with a new president. At 63, Isaias is too old to change his ways.
PetterNor
I want to excuse the regime, I believe illiteracy and famine are problems in desperate need of being adressed. But how wise is it to openly and offensively make demands on internal affairs - how wrong we may beieve an imprisonment to be - when it is highly probable the response will be an ill-serving attitude of ignorance? I could of course be wrong, how do you think the regime reads the protest?
Michela WrongI fear the regime may simply brush off the protest. That's what it has done in the past. One of the problems is that if this particular journalist is freed, questions will then be asked about all the other members of the G15 who were rounded up at the same time. And I'm sure the regime does not intend to free those former political players. Erik AHow is it possible for Afewerki and his government to keep Eritrea so closed, in spite of the openness of the modern world?
Michela WrongIt's only possible because Eritrea is such a small country. I'm sure Meles Zenawi would like to be able to control Ethiopia in the same way, but it's just too big to attempt such a thing. Very few Westerners are now based in Asmara, so anyone who arrives at that tiny airport is immediately noticed and easy to track. The communications are terrible - I'm convinced the government has deliberately kept them so - so the internet world is very difficult for ordinary Eritreans to access. Last time I was there, only the elite owned mobile phones, so once again a form of free speech that is common in most African countries now is not available to the locals. Given all these things, you really can cut a country off from the world.
Martin
What was most difficult when writing the book? Whar are you going to do next?
Michela WrongI went to Moscow to research the book and found it very difficult to work there, as I don't speak Russian and it was a country I didn't know.
Simon
Michela Don't you agree all this false concern for human rights etc, when the very supposed democratic countries are the cause for not closing the wound of the border are more interested in the effect than the cause. What is Eritrea meant to do when UN, US, EU,AU are abrogating their duties and allow illegal things like invasion , arms purchase from north Korea etc. ? When it comes to religion, what is your outlook of mass conversion with the bribe of money ? I suggest people have a look at this aggressive American evangelist and what he thinks of other religions, and tell me Eritrea is doing wrong. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yUCbHFOmBHQ
Michela Wrong I have no sympathy with American missionaries who go to Africa and try and convert the locals. However, I think Eritreans would not have flocked to these evangelical churches had there not been a growing despair and frustration in the society as a whole. I totally agree that the international community has failed in its duties on the border issue - the UN is happy to lecture Eritrea about its behaviour over Djibouti, but doesn't seem to apply the same attitude to Ethiopia over border demarcation - and the AU's indulgent stance on Ethiopia's invasion of Somalia was extraordinary. However, none of this changes the fact that Eritrea today is a country thousands of its young people are desperate to leave. They are risking their lives every day in their determination to get out. And that is a terrible indictment of the regime, not the West. When your own young people turn your back on you, you have failed as an administration.
Fredrik K, London
HI Michaela, in light of the present situation - a corrupt dictatorship with an army numbering more than 300,000 men, scant popular support, and severe abuse of human rights - what do you believe is the best course of action from here? Clearly, the government is all but immune to external criticism and does not seem to care about the plight of the Eritrean population. Thanks
Michela WrongThe regime does not seem to respond to outside criticism or pressure, as you say. But I think the West has to hold out its hand, and try to keep talking. Western governments can be very dismissive and arrogant in their dealings with Eritrea. They have a tendency to conveniently forget the past. They also have a tendency to ignore legitimate Eritrean complaints, like the fact that an international boundary commission's "final and binding" ruling on the border with Ethiopia has been ignored and violated, and the West has never really applied serious pressure on Addis Ababa to respect that ruling. This lack of balance sends a signal to the government in Eritrea that there is one rule for Eritrea, and another for Ethiopia. If the West behaved in a more obviously even-handed way, and demanded from Ethiopia that it meet its international obligations - which included marking its border and not invading its neighbours -- then Eritrea might be more likely to feel that the diplomatic game was worth playing. As it is, the Eritrea leadership notes the international community's hypocrisy and withdraws into its preferred isolationist position, telling itself there is clearly no point engaging in diplomacy of any kind.
Adulis
Are aware that your book is today introduced inte the Swedish media as a critique while the truth, as I read it, is more than 90% of the content deal with how the west betryed Eritrea and it's people? Do you feel it is fair?
Michela Wrong
You're right, the book's main aim is certainly to explain how Western and Soviet interference in the Horn of Africa helped to make Eritrea what it is today. And yes, that is a story of betrayal, cynically perpetrated by outsiders. But the last chapter, I think, makes clear that there has been a last betrayal, in my view, of the Eritrean people, and that is the one perpetrated by the current regime.
Anna Bengtsson
Hi Michaela, I recently read your book which I found so well researched and interesting. I am hoping and wondering - do you have any plans to write a similar book about Somalia as well? In any case - can you recommend any particular book about the politico-history / international relations of Somalia that you know about and find well-written? That would be super interesting as well. Keep up the good work!
Michela Wrong
Thank you. I've never been to Somalia, so I'm not the right person to write this book. And it's difficult to see anyone writing this at the moment because it is so dangerous for journalists to work in Somalia at the moment. So many have been killed, both Somali journalists and Western journalists. I can point you to a very interesting book by Gerard Hanley - "Warriors" - which was written back in the 1950s. It captures a great deal about the Somali character and beautifully conveys that harsh landscape. But of course, it is not up to date.
Simon S
Hi! I wonder, what is the possibility of Dawit Isaak getting out? and why? love from Simon
Michela Wrong
The problem is that President Isaias Afwerki appears to regard concession and compromise as a form of weakness. It's a very Eritrean characteristic, the need to show a hard, implacable face to the world all the time. Whereas sometimes the canny, wise and mature thing to do is to indicate flexibility. Eritrea's implacability has not served it well, so far. Being regarded by the international community as a pariah state is not in the interests of the Eritrean people.
Petter
To what extent would you agree that it is obtuse and western centricic to focus on Eritrea as merely a cruel imprisoning dictatorship, given the country's history? The freedom people in Eritrea has fought for is freedom from British colonialism and Italian fascism - the very same countries that along with Sweden and Europe now claim to know again what is best.
Michela WrongI think it's terribly important to understand the history of African countries with colonial pasts. That's why I wrote "I didn't do it for you", to remind my own British population, and the Italians, and the Americans, and the Soviets, of what they got up to in Eritrea and what damage they did. But that doesn't let the current leadership of Eritrea off the hook. This is an independent nation now, and the ruling regime is responsible for the welfare of its people. To understand is not necessarily to excuse. GhebreDo you know there is more than 2000 Christian i the prisen, just because of their believe
Michela WrongI'm not sure what the exact figure is - I think it varies all the time as people are released from detention - but there is certainly a huge amount of state repression of Christian churches in Eritrea.
Mosit
Jag vill också att Dawit Isaac ska frias,men jag fattar inte varför ni skriver så dumma saker om Isaias Afwerki. Kan du motivera varfö ni tycker att han är en så dålig ledare för Eritrea? moderatorDu måste skriva dina frågor på engelska för att kunna få svar.
Tuesday, April 21, 2009
Ideologically-driven torture in Eritrea

Published 2009-04-20 09:22
Eritrean view outliers that Dawit Isaak may expect to be branded as enemies of the regime and tortured in the dungeons.
When the Semret Eritrean journalist Seyoum in early 2002 to the prison camp Hadish-Me-Asker, this was not much to the institution. Therefore he was placed and some fellow in underground bunkers, barely larger than a single bed, with no light penetrated.
It spent Semret Seyom several months, lying on the bunker floor and with tied hands. Only when he has to do their needs, he was coming out, and when he got to eat the only law that banned prisoners: a bowl of water-soaked lentils.
Description of the prison stay Semret Seyom gives fits well with the explanation given in the Human Rights Watch thick report on the oppression and abuse in Eritrea, which was published the other day. To lock up prisoners in the soil is extremely common in Eritrea - a legacy after the long struggle for liberation in 1970 - and 80-speeds where the guerrillas hid in buried bunkers which today is used as dungeons.
Semret Seyoum is close friend and former Journal colleague Dawit Isaak. Both were arrested in connection with the Eritrean regime's massive strikes against opposition politicians and independent journalists in the international media the shade after September 11 disaster in 2001. Semret Seyom managed to keep hidden a few months but was arrested by soldiers when he tried to flee to Sudan.
Dawit Isaak is sitting still, seven and a half years later, in a dungeon somewhere where no outsiders know anything about him.
Semret Seyoum was "lucky": after a year in the unconstitutional conditions in Hadish-Me-Ashker and another prison, he suddenly released and put into forced labor without pay. Other half years later, he managed to flee from Eritrea and was later to Sweden.
Why were you free?
- I have no idea. I do not know why I was arrested and imprisoned. No indictment was ever for me, says to DN in the days of Swedish-speaking Semret Seyoum who now lives in Farsta and apply for a job.
Fixed a kind of allegations are made all the time in the prison camp to Semret Seyoum: that he was a "zumbul". The name is perhaps the worst one can get in the totalitarian drive Eritrea today is ruled by the same Marxist-Leninist minted elite kader party that once led the guerrilla struggle for national liberation. Semret Seyoum explains:
- The word "zumbul" literally means only something as innocuous as "tendency" or "liking". However, in Eritrea, the offensive and threatening against those deemed to be democratic, liberal reform trends. It began to be used during Liberation struggle, and it was called the "zumbul" became an outcast from the Community and ended sooner or later in a secret prison for likely never come back.
- This was the underlying meaning of the term "zumbul" that got my blood to congeal, each time it was directed against me. I feared for my life. I began to wonder if this was the last chapter of my shift rich life - to die without any witness who could tell of the end for me, "says Semret Seyoum seriously.
The parallels with the seemingly innocent Anyway in other totalitarian systems than Eritreas is obvious. For example, in Lenin and the Bolsheviks Soviet Communist Party members were accused of "fraktionalism" (in order to divide the party). In Maos Communist China stamped dissidents as "outliers" (from the Chairman Maos line). In the Islamic Republic of Iran Ayatollah denigrate the regime's arch enemy as "hypocrites" (one who pretends, but is not, faithful and loyal to Islam). In all cases, the penalty was about the same as in Eritrea.
Under both Semret Seyoum which Human Rights Watch can it declared to be "zumbul" count on the violent treatment. One wonders with horror what and how many treatments Dawit Isaak has been the victim of.
Some examples, including several by name from the period when Eritrea was an Italian colony:
• helicopter: the victim's hands and feet are tied crosswise.
• Otto (means of eight Italian): hands pinion and the victim must be on my stomach on the ground - it was so Semret Seyoum was forced to spend time in the underground cell.
• Ferro (iron in Italian): hands coated with handcuffs, after which the victim is suspended on an a rod or a tree branch.
• Goma: the victim is pressed on the inside of a reinforced truck tires after that rolled on the ground, sometimes for many hours.
• Jesus Christ: the victim was crucified on a tree or cross of wood and left to hang there in solgasset.
• Likboja: they tie in to a corpse of a dead prisoner or other person.
And then of course bogus drowning, that is to say that the victim's head held under water so that the prisoner believe they soon drown.
For at least the last point, there is some similarity between the dictatorship in Eritrea and the Bush administration / CIA's "war on terrorism" after the September 11 disaster.
Per Jönsson
per.jonsson @ dn.se
Sunday, April 19, 2009
The dictator recognizes torture

Now, new alarming data on the situation of Dawit Isaak and others imprisoned in Eritrea.
In an exclusive interview confirms President Isaias Afewerki that he allows torture.
- We are a young nation on the road to build our society, you can not compare our unique situation with other countries, he told journalist Damien McElroy, seconded by the British Daily Telegraph.
Swedish journalist Dawit Isaak has been detained in Eritrea since the fall of 2001.
In Sweden, a campaign to get Dawit Isaak released, in Eritrea, the situation is different.
The country's leader Isaias Afewerki had a wide popular support when he came to power, but now control the country with an iron fist.
Dawit Isaak is just one of the many journalists and opposition figures detained for unclear reasons. And President Afewerki rarely gives interviews to foreign journalists.
Want to be heard in the world
Recently received the Daily Telegraph's foreign reporter, Damien McElroy, after all, a chance to put questions to Isaias Afewerki. He met the president met in the capital Asmara.
- At the moment, he wants to be his voice to be heard in the world, for some reason, "says Damien McElroy.
Damien McElroy is not aware of the case Dawit Isaak, but is aware of the harsh conditions in Eritrea.
- It is a closed system, "says Damien McElroy.
When Isaias Afewerki was asked about the lack of human rights he endeavored not to try WHITEWASH.
- He denied it even. Forced Labor and the use of torture in the legal system, "says Damien McElroy.
Has been a trend
Manager's explanation for his harsh rule was that it is necessary when a young nation was formed.
Damien McElroy had no impression that the situation of Dawit Isaak and his fellow would change in the near future.
- There has been a trend over the last decade and I do not think there will be no deviations from it.
By Oscar Julander
oscar.julander @ expressen.se
Monday, April 06, 2009
Eritreans leaving their country in mass
Thousands of Eritreans are looking to the West each year. During the second half of 2008, searched over 8100 asylum, under the UN refugee agency, which means twice the rate compared to 2007.
The most recent refugee wave states according to international reports depend on the threat of lack of food combined with the fact that the military mobilization in the country strengthened.
- Young people see a long life as soldiers in front of them with oppression and mistreatment of an army in which generals can also use them as private workforce, "says Ginbot Abraha, Eritreans for Human Rights.
Nobody knows for sure what will happen in the border conflict with Ethiopia, where Sweden believes that Eritrea has the right, after the UN withdrew its presence last year. Moreover arose another military conflict on the border with Djibouti. According to the World Bank was 320,000 Eritreans in the army service last year. In principle, both men and women up to age 50 be available to be called up. Several reports say that in principle no longer be granted an exit permit from Eritrea, which is interpreted as a further sign that the mobilization strengthened.
The compulsory military training in the last year of school. This will send students to the military träningslägret Sawa in western Eritrea. In a recent report from the British asylum authorities, police raids last spring to gather up and punish the young people who deviated from military service.
Among the refugees are young deserters. The vast majority get to walk across the long borders with Sudan or Ethiopia. The detected at the limit risk being shot.
In order to move to Europe to pay those who can afford tens of thousands of crowns to the smugglers. Other stops in any of the refugee camps in eastern Sudan and in Ethiopia.
Altogether there are now about 100,000 Eritrean refugees in Sudan. Many of these came to Sudan during the Eritrean liberation war from 1960 until independence in 1993.
That so many now are looking forward to Europe, in addition to the situation in Eritrea due to the conditions in Sudan and Ethiopia deteriorated. The increase in the number of asylum seekers, however, indicate that the disappointment is great how it developed after the war against Ethiopia.
To Sweden last year, 857 asylum seekers. The same year was 764 Eritreans residence, while 352 were rejected.
In an interview with news channel Al-Jazira said Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki that the information on the number of refugees were exaggerated and influenced by U.S. propaganda.
The most recent refugee wave states according to international reports depend on the threat of lack of food combined with the fact that the military mobilization in the country strengthened.
- Young people see a long life as soldiers in front of them with oppression and mistreatment of an army in which generals can also use them as private workforce, "says Ginbot Abraha, Eritreans for Human Rights.
Nobody knows for sure what will happen in the border conflict with Ethiopia, where Sweden believes that Eritrea has the right, after the UN withdrew its presence last year. Moreover arose another military conflict on the border with Djibouti. According to the World Bank was 320,000 Eritreans in the army service last year. In principle, both men and women up to age 50 be available to be called up. Several reports say that in principle no longer be granted an exit permit from Eritrea, which is interpreted as a further sign that the mobilization strengthened.
The compulsory military training in the last year of school. This will send students to the military träningslägret Sawa in western Eritrea. In a recent report from the British asylum authorities, police raids last spring to gather up and punish the young people who deviated from military service.
Among the refugees are young deserters. The vast majority get to walk across the long borders with Sudan or Ethiopia. The detected at the limit risk being shot.
In order to move to Europe to pay those who can afford tens of thousands of crowns to the smugglers. Other stops in any of the refugee camps in eastern Sudan and in Ethiopia.
Altogether there are now about 100,000 Eritrean refugees in Sudan. Many of these came to Sudan during the Eritrean liberation war from 1960 until independence in 1993.
That so many now are looking forward to Europe, in addition to the situation in Eritrea due to the conditions in Sudan and Ethiopia deteriorated. The increase in the number of asylum seekers, however, indicate that the disappointment is great how it developed after the war against Ethiopia.
To Sweden last year, 857 asylum seekers. The same year was 764 Eritreans residence, while 352 were rejected.
In an interview with news channel Al-Jazira said Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki that the information on the number of refugees were exaggerated and influenced by U.S. propaganda.
Saturday, April 04, 2009
"I was tortured in prison" Simret Sium setit newspaper journalist

Dawit Isaak has been a prisoner in Eritrea since the fall of 2001.
His colleague Semret Seyoum was arrested around the same time.
- It was dark around the clock. My hands were bound and tortured me, says Semret Seyoum to Expressen.
Their only crime was that they written articles.
In autumn 2001 the Eritrean government closed down all the free newspapers and several journalists were imprisoned.
One of the newspapers affected were Setit launched in August 1997.
Semret Seyoum and Dawit Isaak, two of the founders.
- We did not think it was dangerous. The Government had introduced a law on press freedom, says Semret Seyoum, 41.
It was until 2001 when they are thrown in jail without warning.
- It was only because we were journalists. We had not done anything other than to write articles, "says Semret Seyoum.
"Underground cell"
He and Dawit Isaak was arrested around the same time. They were in different prisons.
- The time in prison were terrible difficult. I was locked up in a small underground cell. It was dark around the clock. My hands were tied the whole time and they tortured me, says Semret Seyoum.
He still do not know why he went to prison. He do not know why he was released in January 2003.
- In my country do not know why they are imprisoned, or why they released, "says Semret Seyoum.
"Bildt should go to Eritrea"
He is reporting on Mr Dawit Isaak and has two calls to the Foreign Ministry.
- Think again on quiet diplomacy is the right way. It may work on others but it has almost been eight years. Secondly, it should be Carl Bildt go and discuss with the Eritrean president.
At 12.00 on Sunday discussed the case Dawit Isaak in "Published" in P1. Expressen editor in chief Thomas Mattsson and Leif Öbrink who is chairman of the support committee for Dawit Isaak will participate
Imprisoned - with Dawit

GÖTEBORG. The former Minister Haile Woldensae imprisoned while journalist Dawit Isaak.
His son does not know if the father lives, but is sure that neither he nor Isaak will be released as long as the dictator Isaias Afewerki reigns.
- It recognizes he defeated, "said Haile Fenkl
26-year-old fled alone to Sweden via Sudan in 2002. Today, he is a Swedish citizen, read on education, extra work in the health and lives in a student one on Hisingen in Gothenburg.
- I am very grateful to Sweden, "he says. Here I live in luxury compared to how they have it in Eritrea. Where all who live in a prison.
New war
Fenkl Hailes parents were war heroes in the war against Ethiopia, and worked for a free and democratic Eritrea. When the interim government was appointed in 1993 became a father Haile Woldensae first finance minister, then foreign minister, and finally for Industry and Trade.
When the Constitution was completed and the first free elections were held showed President Afewerki its true. He went to war against Ethiopia again, without asking the government.
- He was not interested in any election and needs war to maintain its power, says Fenkl.
His father ended up in the cold, and all opposition.
In August 2001 was arrested and imprisoned 2000 - 3000 students because of osämja on a government funded project. Fenkl Haile was 19 years and one of them. He interned in a camp in a desert during a half months.
Arrested at home
- We were in a house built of sheet metal. It was 43 degrees Celsius and we gradually broke down, describing him.
He and the others were released after they signed a kind of recognition.
Meanwhile, the regime struck against Fenkls father. Haile Woldensae arrested at his home in the morning September 18, 2001 after he and other regime critics, wrote an open letter in the press in which they demanded democracy. Shortly thereafter arrested the Swedish-Eritrean citizen Dawit Isaak, as well as a large group of other journalists.
Torture in Prison
Some among them have died in captivity, others fate is uncertain.
If Haile Woldensae liver, he is 62 years old. He suffers from diabetes and may be in a secret prison in the town Eirairo where torture occurs.
Fenkl Haile believe that Dawit Isaak is kept alive. He is an important pawn in the dictator's game with the West.
- It is about aid, he believes. Dawit Isaak is his hostage, his bargaining chip.
> swap
Wednesday, April 01, 2009
My online chat with the DN swedish newspaper readers
Google translation of my online chat with DN readers.
Sam: Hi Khaled! I just want to ask if you know about the neighboring country of Ethiopia is different in terms of media and freedom of the media? Or is it that in eritrea.
Khaled Abdu: It is not as in Eritrea. They have at least independent newspapers and journalists are active. I can say that it is much better in Ethiopia.
Saba: Hi Abdu! If I ask you first to look backward and then forward - beyond the situation today. We know that Dawit Isaak lacked training and experience as a journalist. Did you journalist training course when you started working with the magazine in Eritrea? How many trained journalists were among the newspapers that began in the country of 2000-2001?
Khaled Abdu: Eritrea as a country had no journalistic utbuildning at all as both the government media and independent journalists had another utbuilding but the information ministry had requirements to work as a journalist and we got permission to work as journalists.
Erik: Hey, how does everything over there?
Khaled Abdu: Erik, it's total collapse in the economy and in politics there. Every day thousands leave the country and people are starving, so the situation has become worse and worse
dddd: Has he (Dawit Isaak, ed's note) in the last three years been able to contact his family?
Khaled Abdu: He contacted the family only once when he was released.
Mårten Sjögren: Why is Sweden's silence when we should act?
Khaled Abdu: Quiet diplomacy silence all voices. So with quiet diplomacy, we can not know how much is done. Is not 8 years?
Garfield: Hey Khaled! Would it help Dawit Isaak on Sweden acted more to resolve the dispute over Badme?
Khaled Abdu: Hi Gustaf, I do not think so because it is two different things. Dawit is in prison not because of border conflict, but the dictator wants to stay in power illegally and are satisfied with the "no peace no war" situation.
Jermia: Saba, education? It is about justice. You mean outbidade journalists börsitta in jail?
Khaled Abdu: I mean not that I meant only that we had no journalistic utbuildning in Eritreas college when we started working as journalists.
Ask: Is it true that you journalists did not have experience or training? You have to follow its rules.
Khaled Abdu: What rules are you talking about? If we have not followed the rules then it is a trial to decide, not you or I or the dictator.
Luke: Hello, I was just wondering why he was detained over huvuvud time? If he had done a crime, then he should surely not be exempt? But if he had not done any crime, then he should surely not be in prison? How is it in Eritrea? Infrastructure?
Khaled Abdu: He is in prison only because he tried to do what a journalist would do. He intervujade reformists as all other detained journalists and the dictator says they have played a negative role to disrupt the people's opinion, but it's just false accusation <. Br>
Mårten Sjögren: Hi mr.k. .. Why is David in Eritrean prison?
Khaled Abdu: For that Eritrea is the wrong place to work as a journalist.
Jermia: Hello, Is there any strong opposition outside of Eritrea?
Khaled Abdu: There is an alliance of Ethiopia and there are many civic organizations that are in opposition.
Johanna: Hey, why has it taken so incredibly long time before Sweden realize that we may have to do something drastic because we are after 8 years realize that the soft methods do not work?
Khaled Abdu: I think it was a political issue before, now the situation is different and should we have Dawit alive we must act now even if it is late.
Jake: Is all the media under state control in Eritrea today?
Khaled Abdu: Yes, we have no free media at all.
Jermia: Hello Again! Why is supporting so many eritraner in the diaspora president?
Khaled Abdu: Most are tangible interests in Eritrea, they have invested and they want to defend their interests.
Adam Olsson: How can we as a government either forget or dark a Swedish citizens' rights in the entire 8 years? How can you feel safe in a democracy where not everyone has the same conditions?
Khaled Abdu: The question can be sent to the politicians but as I see it it is terrible to be imprisoned in countries such as Eritrea and politicians are reacting in this way.
Erik: When people leave the country, was traveling them?
Khaled Abdu: The Ethiopian refugee camps, we have more than 30,000 Eritreans in Sudan and more than twice. In Sweden, only we have more than 3000 Eritreans who have come after 2001.
Olivia: How is life in prison over there?
Khaled Abdu: Emergency fact. No family contact at all and you never know if they live or have already died.
Jermia: The opposition that I have met in Sweden e probably not strong, and is not a solid agenda. Did you watch it?
Khaled Abdu: Yes, I am active on this issue but if the opposition is not strong then dictator's time longer so it's a dilemma we must do something about.
Jermia: interest? Can they not see that people are starving? the e the scares me is not the president.
Khaled Abdu: I with Jermia, there are double standards even when they have their children here why should they care about the people starving in Eritrea. Most are selfish.
Bosse: Vaför this campaign Dawit, when not heard a jota on Roland Larssons captivity of the FARC guerrillas? It was an interesting contrast.
Khaled Abdu: Bosse, good that Roland is free but we can discuss your question after we save Dawit life is in danger.
Jake: Do you believe that a threat to strangle aid to Eritrea could "force" until the release of Dawit?
Khaled Abdu: At least it can shorten the dictator's time in power. Assistance will be used to monitor the safety and build new prisons, that is what worries me.
Hendra Ali: It is I who is called Mårten Sjögren ... and I wonder if you know what is planned to let David free?
Khaled Abdu: I do not think there is some plan to free him.
Yonas: Do you think poetic cut will listen to the media? Thanks Khaled.
Khaled Abdu: What is important for the dictator is money as such pressure can in the long term impact on the situation in Eritrea.
Gustav: Do you think it is right to Eritra receive assistance from the EU?
Khaled Abdu: There must be conditional, otherwise why should the EU provide assistance to a country that denies visas to MEPs?
Carl: Hi Khaled, I wonder what Dawit actually did in Eritrea?
Khaled Abdu: He worked as a journalist in the wrong country. Working as a journalist in a dictatorial country is the wrong choice I think.
Gustav Fredric: Has anyone seen Dawit or has had any kind of contact with him during the jail time?
Khaled Abdu: It is not allowed to see other people. Even those who are in prison do not know each other because they have numbers instead of names. But Dawit was free in a few days in 2005 when he had contact with the family in Sweden by telephone.
Saba: Hi again. Unfortunately, you have not answered my question about your and your colleagues ev. training and experience to run a newspaper. I think it is a central issue of how the facts developed in 2001 and it is also an important issue on the future of Eritrea the possibility of a real independent free media, which many of us dream about. I want an honest answer please.
Khaled Abdu: Hi Saba, I have read at the University of Asmara, but as I said before we had no journalistic training in college, so how can we train ourselves to journalists when there is no such training. If the requirement is then most who work for government media also low, so how can they conduct their business?
Fredrik Norén: How big is the popular support for the regime in Eritrea? Is there any organized opposition?
Khaled Abdu: Support? If you defend material interests and forget the situation and how people are affected, should I count it as a support? So they are not real fans. If the opposition, yes we have been in neighboring Ethiopia.
Ulrika Lif: Hi! In idéskriften "It is fortunate that the generals do not read children's books" from Children Ängens World Library (2005) are some examples of child literature functioned as a valve, when the critical adult literature banned or censorship "when the dictatorship and oppression prevailed in different parts of the world. Do you have a picture of how it looks on children literature in Eritrea today?
Khaled Abdu: We have not much children's literature in Eritrea. But everything is politicized and we can often see young children forced to participate in political demonstrations.
Mikaela: Hi again, why talk about removing the bread from the poor, thus stopping the assistance ... to reach the President did not order, or vice versa ... how is it intended? Khaled Abdu: I often say that do not send money, send food to the poor can eat, but money can be used for other goals.
Roland: Why does not Dawit their own responsibility for their actions? Get it as a överrasking him that Eritrea is not freedom of expression?
Khaled Abdu: We can not know what will happen the next day so he was a victim.
Hasse: How fragmented is the Eritreans in Sweden for support to the regime? Are there groups that support the regime?
Khaled Abdu: Supports regime? I do not believe they are defending their material interests. Most have invested down there and do not want to risk to express a negative view of the dictator.
Mikaela: Why is it so important to defend a David, when you have one hundred adolescent who lose their lives as soldiers to defend the country?
Khaled Abdu: To Dawit is a Swedish citizen, otherwise I am with and have said before in Jönköping Posten that if it is not regime change then it is hopeless for the people down there.
Anders: Where are you from Abdu actually, someone said you are from Ethiopia?
Khaled Abdu: I am from Eritrea. If I were Ethiopians, I would have worked as a journalist in Ethiopia and would not sit and discuss such terrible things about Eritrea.
Zahra: Hi Khaled, my question is that I want to ask you if Abdu Kaled of the Ministry of information does have exprience to be a journalist in Eritrea?
Khaled Abdu: Ali Abdu, he has no journalistic education.
Saba: Thank you for your answer! Sweden would then and also now offer Eritrea aid to education in the media. I read this a year, a German media institution had been training for Eritreans in Eritrea. What do you think about it?
Khaled Abdu: Saba, if you receive training but are not free to utryska then is education värdlös.
Bosse: Okay, let me rephrase myself: why this mammoth campaign for Dawit Isaak? This campaign is unprecedented. Help me understand!
Khaled Abdu: campaign help Eritreans in the whole of the note of the situation so we are grateful for the campaign.
Johny: The regime is to say the least brutal of human rights. How can such a regime living without opposition? Are not there any resistance movement in the country?
Khaled Abdu: We have thousands in prison for calling for reform but we have the opposition in neighboring countries, Ethiopia and Sudan.
Johny: What do you think about the religious discrimination that is going on in Eritrea? Many Christians have been imprisoned and it is forbidden to talk about the gospel in the country when it branded as "penta". What do you think of this?
Khaled Abdu: The dictator has officially said that the gospel or "penta" is not allowed but it is not just "penta" without all the religious are the victims of the regime wants us to fear him not God. All who fear God more than the dictator sacrifice themselves.
Sam: Hi Khaled! I just want to ask if you know about the neighboring country of Ethiopia is different in terms of media and freedom of the media? Or is it that in eritrea.
Khaled Abdu: It is not as in Eritrea. They have at least independent newspapers and journalists are active. I can say that it is much better in Ethiopia.
Saba: Hi Abdu! If I ask you first to look backward and then forward - beyond the situation today. We know that Dawit Isaak lacked training and experience as a journalist. Did you journalist training course when you started working with the magazine in Eritrea? How many trained journalists were among the newspapers that began in the country of 2000-2001?
Khaled Abdu: Eritrea as a country had no journalistic utbuildning at all as both the government media and independent journalists had another utbuilding but the information ministry had requirements to work as a journalist and we got permission to work as journalists.
Erik: Hey, how does everything over there?
Khaled Abdu: Erik, it's total collapse in the economy and in politics there. Every day thousands leave the country and people are starving, so the situation has become worse and worse
dddd: Has he (Dawit Isaak, ed's note) in the last three years been able to contact his family?
Khaled Abdu: He contacted the family only once when he was released.
Mårten Sjögren: Why is Sweden's silence when we should act?
Khaled Abdu: Quiet diplomacy silence all voices. So with quiet diplomacy, we can not know how much is done. Is not 8 years?
Garfield: Hey Khaled! Would it help Dawit Isaak on Sweden acted more to resolve the dispute over Badme?
Khaled Abdu: Hi Gustaf, I do not think so because it is two different things. Dawit is in prison not because of border conflict, but the dictator wants to stay in power illegally and are satisfied with the "no peace no war" situation.
Jermia: Saba, education? It is about justice. You mean outbidade journalists börsitta in jail?
Khaled Abdu: I mean not that I meant only that we had no journalistic utbuildning in Eritreas college when we started working as journalists.
Ask: Is it true that you journalists did not have experience or training? You have to follow its rules.
Khaled Abdu: What rules are you talking about? If we have not followed the rules then it is a trial to decide, not you or I or the dictator.
Luke: Hello, I was just wondering why he was detained over huvuvud time? If he had done a crime, then he should surely not be exempt? But if he had not done any crime, then he should surely not be in prison? How is it in Eritrea? Infrastructure?
Khaled Abdu: He is in prison only because he tried to do what a journalist would do. He intervujade reformists as all other detained journalists and the dictator says they have played a negative role to disrupt the people's opinion, but it's just false accusation <. Br>
Mårten Sjögren: Hi mr.k. .. Why is David in Eritrean prison?
Khaled Abdu: For that Eritrea is the wrong place to work as a journalist.
Jermia: Hello, Is there any strong opposition outside of Eritrea?
Khaled Abdu: There is an alliance of Ethiopia and there are many civic organizations that are in opposition.
Johanna: Hey, why has it taken so incredibly long time before Sweden realize that we may have to do something drastic because we are after 8 years realize that the soft methods do not work?
Khaled Abdu: I think it was a political issue before, now the situation is different and should we have Dawit alive we must act now even if it is late.
Jake: Is all the media under state control in Eritrea today?
Khaled Abdu: Yes, we have no free media at all.
Jermia: Hello Again! Why is supporting so many eritraner in the diaspora president?
Khaled Abdu: Most are tangible interests in Eritrea, they have invested and they want to defend their interests.
Adam Olsson: How can we as a government either forget or dark a Swedish citizens' rights in the entire 8 years? How can you feel safe in a democracy where not everyone has the same conditions?
Khaled Abdu: The question can be sent to the politicians but as I see it it is terrible to be imprisoned in countries such as Eritrea and politicians are reacting in this way.
Erik: When people leave the country, was traveling them?
Khaled Abdu: The Ethiopian refugee camps, we have more than 30,000 Eritreans in Sudan and more than twice. In Sweden, only we have more than 3000 Eritreans who have come after 2001.
Olivia: How is life in prison over there?
Khaled Abdu: Emergency fact. No family contact at all and you never know if they live or have already died.
Jermia: The opposition that I have met in Sweden e probably not strong, and is not a solid agenda. Did you watch it?
Khaled Abdu: Yes, I am active on this issue but if the opposition is not strong then dictator's time longer so it's a dilemma we must do something about.
Jermia: interest? Can they not see that people are starving? the e the scares me is not the president.
Khaled Abdu: I with Jermia, there are double standards even when they have their children here why should they care about the people starving in Eritrea. Most are selfish.
Bosse: Vaför this campaign Dawit, when not heard a jota on Roland Larssons captivity of the FARC guerrillas? It was an interesting contrast.
Khaled Abdu: Bosse, good that Roland is free but we can discuss your question after we save Dawit life is in danger.
Jake: Do you believe that a threat to strangle aid to Eritrea could "force" until the release of Dawit?
Khaled Abdu: At least it can shorten the dictator's time in power. Assistance will be used to monitor the safety and build new prisons, that is what worries me.
Hendra Ali: It is I who is called Mårten Sjögren ... and I wonder if you know what is planned to let David free?
Khaled Abdu: I do not think there is some plan to free him.
Yonas: Do you think poetic cut will listen to the media? Thanks Khaled.
Khaled Abdu: What is important for the dictator is money as such pressure can in the long term impact on the situation in Eritrea.
Gustav: Do you think it is right to Eritra receive assistance from the EU?
Khaled Abdu: There must be conditional, otherwise why should the EU provide assistance to a country that denies visas to MEPs?
Carl: Hi Khaled, I wonder what Dawit actually did in Eritrea?
Khaled Abdu: He worked as a journalist in the wrong country. Working as a journalist in a dictatorial country is the wrong choice I think.
Gustav Fredric: Has anyone seen Dawit or has had any kind of contact with him during the jail time?
Khaled Abdu: It is not allowed to see other people. Even those who are in prison do not know each other because they have numbers instead of names. But Dawit was free in a few days in 2005 when he had contact with the family in Sweden by telephone.
Saba: Hi again. Unfortunately, you have not answered my question about your and your colleagues ev. training and experience to run a newspaper. I think it is a central issue of how the facts developed in 2001 and it is also an important issue on the future of Eritrea the possibility of a real independent free media, which many of us dream about. I want an honest answer please.
Khaled Abdu: Hi Saba, I have read at the University of Asmara, but as I said before we had no journalistic training in college, so how can we train ourselves to journalists when there is no such training. If the requirement is then most who work for government media also low, so how can they conduct their business?
Fredrik Norén: How big is the popular support for the regime in Eritrea? Is there any organized opposition?
Khaled Abdu: Support? If you defend material interests and forget the situation and how people are affected, should I count it as a support? So they are not real fans. If the opposition, yes we have been in neighboring Ethiopia.
Ulrika Lif: Hi! In idéskriften "It is fortunate that the generals do not read children's books" from Children Ängens World Library (2005) are some examples of child literature functioned as a valve, when the critical adult literature banned or censorship "when the dictatorship and oppression prevailed in different parts of the world. Do you have a picture of how it looks on children literature in Eritrea today?
Khaled Abdu: We have not much children's literature in Eritrea. But everything is politicized and we can often see young children forced to participate in political demonstrations.
Mikaela: Hi again, why talk about removing the bread from the poor, thus stopping the assistance ... to reach the President did not order, or vice versa ... how is it intended? Khaled Abdu: I often say that do not send money, send food to the poor can eat, but money can be used for other goals.
Roland: Why does not Dawit their own responsibility for their actions? Get it as a överrasking him that Eritrea is not freedom of expression?
Khaled Abdu: We can not know what will happen the next day so he was a victim.
Hasse: How fragmented is the Eritreans in Sweden for support to the regime? Are there groups that support the regime?
Khaled Abdu: Supports regime? I do not believe they are defending their material interests. Most have invested down there and do not want to risk to express a negative view of the dictator.
Mikaela: Why is it so important to defend a David, when you have one hundred adolescent who lose their lives as soldiers to defend the country?
Khaled Abdu: To Dawit is a Swedish citizen, otherwise I am with and have said before in Jönköping Posten that if it is not regime change then it is hopeless for the people down there.
Anders: Where are you from Abdu actually, someone said you are from Ethiopia?
Khaled Abdu: I am from Eritrea. If I were Ethiopians, I would have worked as a journalist in Ethiopia and would not sit and discuss such terrible things about Eritrea.
Zahra: Hi Khaled, my question is that I want to ask you if Abdu Kaled of the Ministry of information does have exprience to be a journalist in Eritrea?
Khaled Abdu: Ali Abdu, he has no journalistic education.
Saba: Thank you for your answer! Sweden would then and also now offer Eritrea aid to education in the media. I read this a year, a German media institution had been training for Eritreans in Eritrea. What do you think about it?
Khaled Abdu: Saba, if you receive training but are not free to utryska then is education värdlös.
Bosse: Okay, let me rephrase myself: why this mammoth campaign for Dawit Isaak? This campaign is unprecedented. Help me understand!
Khaled Abdu: campaign help Eritreans in the whole of the note of the situation so we are grateful for the campaign.
Johny: The regime is to say the least brutal of human rights. How can such a regime living without opposition? Are not there any resistance movement in the country?
Khaled Abdu: We have thousands in prison for calling for reform but we have the opposition in neighboring countries, Ethiopia and Sudan.
Johny: What do you think about the religious discrimination that is going on in Eritrea? Many Christians have been imprisoned and it is forbidden to talk about the gospel in the country when it branded as "penta". What do you think of this?
Khaled Abdu: The dictator has officially said that the gospel or "penta" is not allowed but it is not just "penta" without all the religious are the victims of the regime wants us to fear him not God. All who fear God more than the dictator sacrifice themselves.
Khaled Abdu, prisbelönt journalist från Eritrea, svarade på läsarnas frågor om hans hemland.
Publicerat 2009-03-31 10:40
Sam: Hej Khaled! Jag vill bara fråga om du vet om grannlandet Etiopien är annorlunda vad gäller media och frihet för media? Eller är det som i eritrea.
Khaled Abdu: Det är inte som i Eritrea. De har åtminstone oberoende tidningar och journalisterna är aktiva. Jag kan säga att det är mycket bättre i Etiopien.
Saba: Hej Abdu! Om jag ber dig först blicka bakåt och sedan framåt - bortom situationen idag. Vi vet att Dawit Isaak saknade utbildning och erfarenhet som journalist. Hade du journalistutbildning själv när du började jobba med tidningen i Eritrea? Hur många utbildade journalister fanns bland de tidningar som startade i landet 2000-2001?
Khaled Abdu: Eritrea som ett nytt land hade inte journalistisk utbuildning alls så både regeringsmedia och de oberoende journalister hade annan utbuilding men informationsministeriet hade krav för att jobba som journalist och vi fick tillåtelse att jobba som journalister.
Erik: Hej, hur funkar allt där borta?
Khaled Abdu: Erik, det är total kollaps i ekonomin och i politiken där. Varje dag tusentals lämnar landet och folk svälter så situationen har blivit värre och värre
dddd: Har han (Dawit Isaak, red:s anm) under de senaste tre åren kunnat kontakta sin familj??
Khaled Abdu: Han kontaktade familjen bara en gång när han var frisläppt.
Mårten Sjögren: Varför är Sverige tyst när vi borde agera?
Khaled Abdu: Tyst diplomati tystar alla röster. Så med tyst diplomati vi kan inte veta hur mycket är gjort. Räcker inte 8 år?
Gustaf: Hej Khaled! Skulle det kunna hjälpa Dawit Isaak om Sverige agerade mer för att lösa konflikten om Badme?
Khaled Abdu: Hej Gustaf, jag tror inte så för det är två skilda saker. Dawit är i fängelse inte på grund av gränskonflikten utan diktatorn vill behålla makten illegalt och är nöjd med "no peace no war"-situationen.
Jermia: Saba, utbildning? Det handlar om rättvisa. Menar du att outbidade journalister börsitta i fängelse?
Khaled Abdu: Jag menar inte så jag menade bara att vi hade inte journalistisk utbuildning i Eritreas högskola när vi började jobba som journalister.
Ber: Är det sant att ni journalister inte hade erfarenhet eller utbilding? Man måste ju följa landets regler.
Khaled Abdu: Vilka regler pratar du om? Om vi har inte följt reglerna då är det en rättegång som ska avgöra, inte du eller jag eller diktatorn.
Luke: Hejsan , jag undrade bara varför blev han fängslad över huvuvud taget? Om han gjort ett brott så borde han väl ändå inte bli fritagen? Men om han inte gjort något brott så borde han väl ändå inte bli fängslad ? Hur är det i Eritrea ? Infrastruktur ?
Khaled Abdu: Han är fängelsad bara för att han försökte göra vad en journalist skulle göra. Han intervujade reformister som alla andra fängslade journalister och diktatorn säger att de har spelat negativ roll med att splittra folkets opinion men det är bara falsk anklagelse<.br>
Mårten Sjögren: Hej mr.k... varför sitter David i eritreanskt fängelse?
Khaled Abdu: För att Eritrea är fel plats att jobba som journalist.
Jermia: Hej!Finns det någon stark opposition utanför Eritrea?
Khaled Abdu: Det finns en allians i Etiopien och det finns många civila organisationer som är i opposition.
Johanna: Hej, varför har det tagit så otroligt lång tid innan Sverige inser att vi kanske måste göra något drastiskt eftersom vi efter 8 år inser att de mjuka metoderna inte fungerar?
Khaled Abdu: Jag tror det är var en politisk fråga innan, nu är situationen annorlunda och ska vi ha Dawit vid liv vi måste agera nu även om det är sent.
Jake: Är all massmedia under statlig kontroll i Eritrea idag?
Khaled Abdu: Ja, vi har inga fri massmedier alls.
Jermia: Hej Igen! Varför stödjer så många eritraner i diaspora presidenten?
Khaled Abdu: De flesta har materialla intressen i Eritrea, de har investerat och de vill försvara sina intressen.
Adam Olsson: Hur kan man som regering antingen glömma bort eller mörka en svensk medborgares rättigheter i hela 8 år? Hur ska man kunna känna sig säker i en demokrati om alla inte har samma förutsättningar?
Khaled Abdu: Frågan kan skickas till politikerna men som jag ser den det är fruktansvärt att bli fängelsad i länder som Eritrea och politikerna reagerar på det här sättet.
Erik: När folk lämnar landet, var åker dem då?
Khaled Abdu: I Etiopiens flyktingläger vi har mer än 30.000 eritreaner och i Sudan mer än dubbelt. I Sverige bara vi har mer än 3.000 eritreaner som har kommit efter 2001.
Olivia: Hur är livet i fängelset där borta?
Khaled Abdu: Katastrof faktiskt. Ingen familjekontakt alls och man vet aldrig om de lever eller har redan dött.
Jermia: De oppositionella som jag har mött i Sverige e nog inte starka och har ej en gedigen agenda. Har du koll på det?
Khaled Abdu: Ja, jag själv är aktiv i den här frågan men om oppositionen inte är stark då blir diktatorns tid längre så det är ett dilemma vi måste göra nåt åt.
Jermia: Interesse? Ser de inte att folk svälter? det e de som skrämmer mig inte presidenten.
Khaled Abdu: Jag med Jermia, det är dubbelmoral också när de har deras barn här varför ska de bry sig om de som svälter i Eritrea. De flesta är själviska.
Bosse: Vaför denna kampanj för Dawit, när man inte hörde ett jota om Roland Larssons fångenskap hos FARC-gerillan? Det blev en intressant kontrast.
Khaled Abdu: Bosse, bra att Roland är fri men vi kan diskutera din fråga efter vi räddar Dawits liv som är i fara.
Jake: Tror du att ett hot om att strypa biståndet till Eritrea skulle kunna "tvinga" fram ett frisläppande av Dawit?
Khaled Abdu: Åtminstone kan det förkorta diktatorns tid vid makten. Biståndet utnyttjas för att kontrollera säkerheten och bygga nya fängelser, det är det som bekymrar mig.
Hendren Ali: Det är jag som går under namnet Mårten Sjögren... och jag undrar om du vet vad som planeras för att släppa David fri?
Khaled Abdu: Jag tror inte att det finns nån plan för att befria honom.
Yonas: Tror du diktaruren kommer lyssna på massmedierna? Tack Khaled.
Khaled Abdu: Vad som är viktigt för diktatorn är pengar så sådana påtryckningar kan på lång sikt påverka situationen i Eritrea.
Gustav: Tycker du att det är rätt att Eritra får bistånd från EU?
Khaled Abdu: Det måste vara villkorligt, annars varför ska EU ge bistånd till ett land som nekar visum till europaparlamentariker?
Carl: Hejsan Khaled jag undrar vad Dawit egentligen gjorde i Eritrea?
Khaled Abdu: Han jobbade som journalist i fel land. Att jobba som journalist i ett diktatoriskt land är fel val tror jag.
Gustav Fredrics: Har någon träffat Dawit eller har man haft någon slags kontakt med honom under fängelsetiden?
Khaled Abdu: Det är inte tillåtet att träffa andra. Även de som är i fängelse känner inte varandra för de har nummer istället för namn. Men Dawit var fri på några dagar 2005 då hade han kontakt med familjen i sverige per telefon.
Saba: Hej igen. Du har tyvärr inte svarat på min fråga om din och dina kollegers ev. utbildning och erfarenhet att driva en tidning. Jag tycker det är en central fråga om hur sakförhållandet utvecklades 2001 och det är också en viktig fråga om framtida Eritreas möjlighet till en verklig oberoende fri media, som många av oss drömmer om. Jag vill ha en ärlig svar tack.
Khaled Abdu: Hej saba, jag har själv läst på universitet i Asmara men som jag sa innan vi hade inte journalistisk utbildning på högskolan så hur ska vi kunna utbilda oss till journalister när det finns inte en sådan utbildning. Om kravet sätts då är de flesta som jobbar för regeringsmedia också lågutbildade så hur kan de bedriva deras verksamhet?
Fredrik Norén: Hur stort är det folkliga stödet för regimen i Eritrea? Finns det någon organiserad opposition?
Khaled Abdu: Stödet? Om man försvarar materiella intressen och glömmer situationen och hur människor drabbas, ska jag räkna det som en stöd? Så de är inte riktiga supportrar. Om oppositionen, ja det har vi i grannlandet Etiopien.
Ulrika Lif: Hej! I idéskriften "Det är tur att generaler inte läser barnböcker" från Barnängens världsbibliotek (2005) visas några exempel på att barnlitteraturen fungerat som en "ventil, när den kritiska vuxenlitteraturen förbjudits eller censurerats" när diktatur och förtryck varit rådande i olika delar av världen. Har du någon bild av hur det ser ut för barnlitteraturen i Eritrea i dag?
Khaled Abdu: Vi har inte mycket barnlitteratur i Eritrea. Men allt är politiserat och vi kan se ofta små barn tvingas delta i politiska manifestationer.
Mikaela: Hej igen, varför pratar man om att ta bort brödet från de fattiga, alltså stoppa biståndet...man når inte presidenten så, tvärtom ...eller hur har man tänkt? Khaled Abdu: Jag säger ofta att skicka inte pengar, skicka mat så att de fattiga kan äta men pengar kan användas för andra mål.
Roland: Varför tar inte Dawit sitt eget ansvar för sina handlingar? Kom det som en överrasking för honom att Eritrea är utan yttrandefrihet?
Khaled Abdu: Man kan inte veta vad som händer näst dag så han var ett offer.
Hasse: Hur splittrade är eritreaner i Sverige angående stöd till regimen? Finns det grupper som stödjer regimen?
Khaled Abdu: Stödjer regimen? Tror jag inte men de försvarar sina materiella intressen. De flesta har investerat där nere och vill inte riskera att utrycka sig negativt om diktatorn.
Mikaela: Varför är det så viktig att försvara en David, när man har hundra tonåriga som går miste om livet som soldater för att försvara landet?
Khaled Abdu: För att Dawit är svensk medborgare, annars jag är med och har sagt innan i Jönköpingsposten att om det sker inte regimskifte då är det hopplöst för folk där nere.
Anders: Var kommer du ifrån Abdu egentligen, nån har sagt att du är från Etiopien?
Khaled Abdu: Jag kommer från Eritrea. Om jag var etiopier jag skulle ha jobbat som journalist i Etiopien och skulle inte sitta och diskutera så hemska saker om Eritrea.
Zahra: Hi Khaled, my question is that i want to ask you if Abdu Kaled of Ministry of information does have exprience to be a journalist in Eritrea?
Khaled Abdu: Ali Abdu, he has no journalistic education.
Saba: Tack för svaret! Sverige borde då och även nu erbjuda Eritrea stöd till utbildning inom media. Jag läste här om året en tysk mediainstitution hade utbildning för eritreaner i Eritrea. Vad tycker du om det?
Khaled Abdu: Saba, om man får utbildning men är inte fri för att utryska sig då är utbildningen värdlös.
Bosse: Okej, låt mig omformulera mig: varför denna mastodontkampanj för just Dawit Isaak? Denna kampanj saknar motstycke. Hjälp mig förstå!
Khaled Abdu: Kampanjen hjälper eritreaner i helhet för det uppmärksammar hur situationen är så vi är tacksamma för kampanjen.
Johny: Regimen är minst sagt brutal vad gäller mänskliga rättigheter. Hur kan en sådan regim leva vidare utan opposition? Finns inte det någon motståndsrörelse i landet?
Khaled Abdu: Vi har tusentals i fängelse för de krävde reform men vi har opposition i grannländerna Etiopien och Sudan.
Johny: Vad tycker du om den religösa diskriminering som pågår i Eritrea? Åtskilliga kristna har fängslats och det är förbjudet att prata om evangeliet i landet då man stämplas som "pente". Vad tycker du om detta?
Khaled Abdu: Diktatorn har officiellt sagt att evangeliet eller "pente" är inte tillåten men det är inte bara "pente" utan alla religiösa är offer för regimen vill att vi ska frukta honom inte Gud. Alla som fruktar Gud mer än diktatorn offrar sig själva.
Sam: Hej Khaled! Jag vill bara fråga om du vet om grannlandet Etiopien är annorlunda vad gäller media och frihet för media? Eller är det som i eritrea.
Khaled Abdu: Det är inte som i Eritrea. De har åtminstone oberoende tidningar och journalisterna är aktiva. Jag kan säga att det är mycket bättre i Etiopien.
Saba: Hej Abdu! Om jag ber dig först blicka bakåt och sedan framåt - bortom situationen idag. Vi vet att Dawit Isaak saknade utbildning och erfarenhet som journalist. Hade du journalistutbildning själv när du började jobba med tidningen i Eritrea? Hur många utbildade journalister fanns bland de tidningar som startade i landet 2000-2001?
Khaled Abdu: Eritrea som ett nytt land hade inte journalistisk utbuildning alls så både regeringsmedia och de oberoende journalister hade annan utbuilding men informationsministeriet hade krav för att jobba som journalist och vi fick tillåtelse att jobba som journalister.
Erik: Hej, hur funkar allt där borta?
Khaled Abdu: Erik, det är total kollaps i ekonomin och i politiken där. Varje dag tusentals lämnar landet och folk svälter så situationen har blivit värre och värre
dddd: Har han (Dawit Isaak, red:s anm) under de senaste tre åren kunnat kontakta sin familj??
Khaled Abdu: Han kontaktade familjen bara en gång när han var frisläppt.
Mårten Sjögren: Varför är Sverige tyst när vi borde agera?
Khaled Abdu: Tyst diplomati tystar alla röster. Så med tyst diplomati vi kan inte veta hur mycket är gjort. Räcker inte 8 år?
Gustaf: Hej Khaled! Skulle det kunna hjälpa Dawit Isaak om Sverige agerade mer för att lösa konflikten om Badme?
Khaled Abdu: Hej Gustaf, jag tror inte så för det är två skilda saker. Dawit är i fängelse inte på grund av gränskonflikten utan diktatorn vill behålla makten illegalt och är nöjd med "no peace no war"-situationen.
Jermia: Saba, utbildning? Det handlar om rättvisa. Menar du att outbidade journalister börsitta i fängelse?
Khaled Abdu: Jag menar inte så jag menade bara att vi hade inte journalistisk utbuildning i Eritreas högskola när vi började jobba som journalister.
Ber: Är det sant att ni journalister inte hade erfarenhet eller utbilding? Man måste ju följa landets regler.
Khaled Abdu: Vilka regler pratar du om? Om vi har inte följt reglerna då är det en rättegång som ska avgöra, inte du eller jag eller diktatorn.
Luke: Hejsan , jag undrade bara varför blev han fängslad över huvuvud taget? Om han gjort ett brott så borde han väl ändå inte bli fritagen? Men om han inte gjort något brott så borde han väl ändå inte bli fängslad ? Hur är det i Eritrea ? Infrastruktur ?
Khaled Abdu: Han är fängelsad bara för att han försökte göra vad en journalist skulle göra. Han intervujade reformister som alla andra fängslade journalister och diktatorn säger att de har spelat negativ roll med att splittra folkets opinion men det är bara falsk anklagelse<.br>
Mårten Sjögren: Hej mr.k... varför sitter David i eritreanskt fängelse?
Khaled Abdu: För att Eritrea är fel plats att jobba som journalist.
Jermia: Hej!Finns det någon stark opposition utanför Eritrea?
Khaled Abdu: Det finns en allians i Etiopien och det finns många civila organisationer som är i opposition.
Johanna: Hej, varför har det tagit så otroligt lång tid innan Sverige inser att vi kanske måste göra något drastiskt eftersom vi efter 8 år inser att de mjuka metoderna inte fungerar?
Khaled Abdu: Jag tror det är var en politisk fråga innan, nu är situationen annorlunda och ska vi ha Dawit vid liv vi måste agera nu även om det är sent.
Jake: Är all massmedia under statlig kontroll i Eritrea idag?
Khaled Abdu: Ja, vi har inga fri massmedier alls.
Jermia: Hej Igen! Varför stödjer så många eritraner i diaspora presidenten?
Khaled Abdu: De flesta har materialla intressen i Eritrea, de har investerat och de vill försvara sina intressen.
Adam Olsson: Hur kan man som regering antingen glömma bort eller mörka en svensk medborgares rättigheter i hela 8 år? Hur ska man kunna känna sig säker i en demokrati om alla inte har samma förutsättningar?
Khaled Abdu: Frågan kan skickas till politikerna men som jag ser den det är fruktansvärt att bli fängelsad i länder som Eritrea och politikerna reagerar på det här sättet.
Erik: När folk lämnar landet, var åker dem då?
Khaled Abdu: I Etiopiens flyktingläger vi har mer än 30.000 eritreaner och i Sudan mer än dubbelt. I Sverige bara vi har mer än 3.000 eritreaner som har kommit efter 2001.
Olivia: Hur är livet i fängelset där borta?
Khaled Abdu: Katastrof faktiskt. Ingen familjekontakt alls och man vet aldrig om de lever eller har redan dött.
Jermia: De oppositionella som jag har mött i Sverige e nog inte starka och har ej en gedigen agenda. Har du koll på det?
Khaled Abdu: Ja, jag själv är aktiv i den här frågan men om oppositionen inte är stark då blir diktatorns tid längre så det är ett dilemma vi måste göra nåt åt.
Jermia: Interesse? Ser de inte att folk svälter? det e de som skrämmer mig inte presidenten.
Khaled Abdu: Jag med Jermia, det är dubbelmoral också när de har deras barn här varför ska de bry sig om de som svälter i Eritrea. De flesta är själviska.
Bosse: Vaför denna kampanj för Dawit, när man inte hörde ett jota om Roland Larssons fångenskap hos FARC-gerillan? Det blev en intressant kontrast.
Khaled Abdu: Bosse, bra att Roland är fri men vi kan diskutera din fråga efter vi räddar Dawits liv som är i fara.
Jake: Tror du att ett hot om att strypa biståndet till Eritrea skulle kunna "tvinga" fram ett frisläppande av Dawit?
Khaled Abdu: Åtminstone kan det förkorta diktatorns tid vid makten. Biståndet utnyttjas för att kontrollera säkerheten och bygga nya fängelser, det är det som bekymrar mig.
Hendren Ali: Det är jag som går under namnet Mårten Sjögren... och jag undrar om du vet vad som planeras för att släppa David fri?
Khaled Abdu: Jag tror inte att det finns nån plan för att befria honom.
Yonas: Tror du diktaruren kommer lyssna på massmedierna? Tack Khaled.
Khaled Abdu: Vad som är viktigt för diktatorn är pengar så sådana påtryckningar kan på lång sikt påverka situationen i Eritrea.
Gustav: Tycker du att det är rätt att Eritra får bistånd från EU?
Khaled Abdu: Det måste vara villkorligt, annars varför ska EU ge bistånd till ett land som nekar visum till europaparlamentariker?
Carl: Hejsan Khaled jag undrar vad Dawit egentligen gjorde i Eritrea?
Khaled Abdu: Han jobbade som journalist i fel land. Att jobba som journalist i ett diktatoriskt land är fel val tror jag.
Gustav Fredrics: Har någon träffat Dawit eller har man haft någon slags kontakt med honom under fängelsetiden?
Khaled Abdu: Det är inte tillåtet att träffa andra. Även de som är i fängelse känner inte varandra för de har nummer istället för namn. Men Dawit var fri på några dagar 2005 då hade han kontakt med familjen i sverige per telefon.
Saba: Hej igen. Du har tyvärr inte svarat på min fråga om din och dina kollegers ev. utbildning och erfarenhet att driva en tidning. Jag tycker det är en central fråga om hur sakförhållandet utvecklades 2001 och det är också en viktig fråga om framtida Eritreas möjlighet till en verklig oberoende fri media, som många av oss drömmer om. Jag vill ha en ärlig svar tack.
Khaled Abdu: Hej saba, jag har själv läst på universitet i Asmara men som jag sa innan vi hade inte journalistisk utbildning på högskolan så hur ska vi kunna utbilda oss till journalister när det finns inte en sådan utbildning. Om kravet sätts då är de flesta som jobbar för regeringsmedia också lågutbildade så hur kan de bedriva deras verksamhet?
Fredrik Norén: Hur stort är det folkliga stödet för regimen i Eritrea? Finns det någon organiserad opposition?
Khaled Abdu: Stödet? Om man försvarar materiella intressen och glömmer situationen och hur människor drabbas, ska jag räkna det som en stöd? Så de är inte riktiga supportrar. Om oppositionen, ja det har vi i grannlandet Etiopien.
Ulrika Lif: Hej! I idéskriften "Det är tur att generaler inte läser barnböcker" från Barnängens världsbibliotek (2005) visas några exempel på att barnlitteraturen fungerat som en "ventil, när den kritiska vuxenlitteraturen förbjudits eller censurerats" när diktatur och förtryck varit rådande i olika delar av världen. Har du någon bild av hur det ser ut för barnlitteraturen i Eritrea i dag?
Khaled Abdu: Vi har inte mycket barnlitteratur i Eritrea. Men allt är politiserat och vi kan se ofta små barn tvingas delta i politiska manifestationer.
Mikaela: Hej igen, varför pratar man om att ta bort brödet från de fattiga, alltså stoppa biståndet...man når inte presidenten så, tvärtom ...eller hur har man tänkt? Khaled Abdu: Jag säger ofta att skicka inte pengar, skicka mat så att de fattiga kan äta men pengar kan användas för andra mål.
Roland: Varför tar inte Dawit sitt eget ansvar för sina handlingar? Kom det som en överrasking för honom att Eritrea är utan yttrandefrihet?
Khaled Abdu: Man kan inte veta vad som händer näst dag så han var ett offer.
Hasse: Hur splittrade är eritreaner i Sverige angående stöd till regimen? Finns det grupper som stödjer regimen?
Khaled Abdu: Stödjer regimen? Tror jag inte men de försvarar sina materiella intressen. De flesta har investerat där nere och vill inte riskera att utrycka sig negativt om diktatorn.
Mikaela: Varför är det så viktig att försvara en David, när man har hundra tonåriga som går miste om livet som soldater för att försvara landet?
Khaled Abdu: För att Dawit är svensk medborgare, annars jag är med och har sagt innan i Jönköpingsposten att om det sker inte regimskifte då är det hopplöst för folk där nere.
Anders: Var kommer du ifrån Abdu egentligen, nån har sagt att du är från Etiopien?
Khaled Abdu: Jag kommer från Eritrea. Om jag var etiopier jag skulle ha jobbat som journalist i Etiopien och skulle inte sitta och diskutera så hemska saker om Eritrea.
Zahra: Hi Khaled, my question is that i want to ask you if Abdu Kaled of Ministry of information does have exprience to be a journalist in Eritrea?
Khaled Abdu: Ali Abdu, he has no journalistic education.
Saba: Tack för svaret! Sverige borde då och även nu erbjuda Eritrea stöd till utbildning inom media. Jag läste här om året en tysk mediainstitution hade utbildning för eritreaner i Eritrea. Vad tycker du om det?
Khaled Abdu: Saba, om man får utbildning men är inte fri för att utryska sig då är utbildningen värdlös.
Bosse: Okej, låt mig omformulera mig: varför denna mastodontkampanj för just Dawit Isaak? Denna kampanj saknar motstycke. Hjälp mig förstå!
Khaled Abdu: Kampanjen hjälper eritreaner i helhet för det uppmärksammar hur situationen är så vi är tacksamma för kampanjen.
Johny: Regimen är minst sagt brutal vad gäller mänskliga rättigheter. Hur kan en sådan regim leva vidare utan opposition? Finns inte det någon motståndsrörelse i landet?
Khaled Abdu: Vi har tusentals i fängelse för de krävde reform men vi har opposition i grannländerna Etiopien och Sudan.
Johny: Vad tycker du om den religösa diskriminering som pågår i Eritrea? Åtskilliga kristna har fängslats och det är förbjudet att prata om evangeliet i landet då man stämplas som "pente". Vad tycker du om detta?
Khaled Abdu: Diktatorn har officiellt sagt att evangeliet eller "pente" är inte tillåten men det är inte bara "pente" utan alla religiösa är offer för regimen vill att vi ska frukta honom inte Gud. Alla som fruktar Gud mer än diktatorn offrar sig själva.
Wednesday, May 07, 2008
Regeringen handfallen gentemot skurkstater
Publicerad: 7 maj 2008, 08.00
Lars Adaktusson
kolumn | Lars Adaktusson
Nyheter
lars.adaktusson@svd.se
En dag i maj förra året var jag inbjuden att vara med vid ett spektakulärt nationaldagsfirande
i Eritreas huvudstad Asmara. Tillsammans med några tusen eritreaner och diplomater från olika delar av världen blev jag vittne till hur politiska företrädare och militärer hyllade president Isaias Afwerki och hans regim.
Av det faktum att Eritrea är en av världens värsta diktaturer där avrättningar, tortyr och trakasserier sedan länge satts i system, märktes ingenting. Att tusentals politiska fångar befolkar fängelserna och att yttrandefriheten ständigt begränsas, var det ingen som talade om.
Sedan drygt sex år är den svensk-eritreanske journalisten Dawit Isaak ett av offren för diktaturen i Eritrea. Tillsammans med en grupp andra journalister sitter han fängslad under oklara omständigheter.
Formellt är Dawit Isaak anklagad för brott mot nationens säkerhet, i själva verket är han inspärrad på grund av sina artiklar i en regimkritisk tidning.
Till och från genom åren har Dawit Isaaks öde uppmärksammats i svenska medier. Ofta har dock rapporteringen kring fallet tonats ned med motiveringen att publicitet inte gynnar saken. I diplomatiska kretsar och bland svenska politiker har vikten av tyst diplomati framhållits.
Detta håller inte längre.
Strategin att föra dialog och inofficiella samtal med företrädare för regimen i Asmara har hittills varit verkningslös. Formella protester från utsända emissarier mot att en svensk medborgare år efter år sitter fängslad utan rättegång, möts av hånfulla kommentarer och uppmaningar att inte lägga sig i Eritreas inre angelägenheter.
Där den tidigare socialdemokratiska regeringen misslyckades har alliansregeringen tagit vid. Sedan Carl Bildt tog över i Arvfurstens palats har fallet Dawit Isaak inte rört sig en millimeter framåt.
Den eritreanska regimens behandling av Dawit Isaak är i grunden ett brott mot internationell rätt. Enligt den skyddsrätt som finns inskriven i folkrätten har Sverige möjlighet, inte bara att ställa juridiska krav på Eritrea, utan också att dra landet inför Internationella domstolen i Haag.
Det är fullt möjligt att en sådan åtgärd inte skrämmer diktaturen i Asmara. Icke desto mindre skulle uppmärksamheten öka, liksom möjligheterna att få till stånd ett mer kraftfullt och bättre samordnat agerande från EU-ländernas sida gentemot regimen i Asmara.
Men framför allt skulle ett agerande via Internationella domstolen demonstrera att den svenska regeringen är fast besluten att inte ge upp kampen för att få Dawit Isaak frigiven. I kombination med ett tydligt personligt engagemang från statsministern och utrikesministern skulle bilden av en handfallen svensk regering revideras.
År efter år larmar människorättsgrupper och humanitära organisationer om brutala övergrepp mot mänskliga rättigheter i Eritrea.
I sällskap med länder som Kina, Nordkorea och Zimbabwe återfinns den lilla afrikanska nationen på listan över världens skurkstater. Mot den måste Dawit Isaak, hans hustru och barn i Göteborg, få hjälp – med alla medel.
Innan det är för sent.
Friday, March 21, 2008
Why Demolishing the Sole University in Eritrea?
The University of Asmara (UOA) was established in 1958 as the ‘Holy Family’ University Institute by the Missionary Congregation (Comboni Sisters). The UOA has been the sole higher education available but has done an enormous job. It has trained and graduated a number of Eritreans and was able be recognized by the UNESCO.
The UOA has been a stepping-stone in the progress of the nation. Till 2002 a number of people have benefited and reached in a very high level. However, the PFDJ’S elite and their handful supporters had hidden agenda for which no single Eritrean has expected. That is the demolishing of our sole Uni. It is like making someone blind.
Looking back in their past history, even when they were in the field before independence they had a great deal of hatred in an educated person. They were torturing and killing a number of well-known intellectuals. There is a recent history also about the torturing of the University of Asmara students when they refuse to work in the summer campaign. There were students who even lost their lives. Although the practical demolishing of the UOA seems to have started on the year 2003 when it had stopped receiving fresh students, it had been planned long time ago. Surprisingly, no one could answer the questions why, what happen and what other alternative do we have in making the Eritrean people blind.
The Head of the state is a symbolic chancellor of the University. However, he has only visited the university once. Even the then president of the university (Dr. Woldeab) said during his visit to the UOA “Hope this will not be your first and last visit”. At the time of his visit he said the contribution of the UOA is under question mark? He meant that the University has done nothing. This has reminded me that when the President of the country visited students in South Africa he said “Globalization is equalization” so the country can get any expert from India or Pakistan . We don’t care about your education whether you come home or not. Instead he was supposed to motivate and praise the achievement made by the students. This is in line with their principle and hatred on intellectual that has started long before independence.
Now last August all the academic staff members of the University have been told that there is the so called restructuring of the University and they went on to say that they have established different colleges in different Zoba’s (regions). A number of questions was raised during the meeting with the Ministry of Education but none has been answered to date rather on mid October all the academic staff have received a letter that tells the place of work and are told that they need to report to the Mai-Nefhi College Colonel. Had the aim was the true establishment of the colleges that would have been nice if it was done with the consultation of the academic staff but none had any idea on that? But the following question should be answered. Is it a must to destroy the UOA in order to establish the colleges? Any person can answer the question.
Surprisingly no research or preparation has been made to establish the colleges. Now we know that there are 6 colleges but none is existent. For example, let’s consider College of Business and Economics that was supposed to be stationed at Massawa as per their order. However, till now even the building is not yet built. So you can imagine how messy the ambition is. Let us see also the existing 3 years old Eritrean Institute of Science and Technology ( Mai-Nefhi College ) it is a military training camp rather than a college. A friend of mine went to the so-called Mail Nefhi College (M-College) and he could not explain to me how sorry he was. The college is led by a Colonel who haven’t been to any college before. The students are in their military grouping and are guarded by military personnel. It is really a pity! Have any one ever seen or heard any college that has such a thing. I don’t think so! In short it is a military camp like that of Sawa.
The other funny thing that I want to tell is about the available departments at M-College. There is Aerospace engineering- very ambitious and has no practical advantage in Eritrea . The UOA with an experience of 50 years had no such departments.
These are some of the things that are happening by the current regime God willing I will write more next time. May God bring peace, stability and progress to our nation, death and failure for the regime?
Wedi Alla Kab Asmera.
Thank you.
The UOA has been a stepping-stone in the progress of the nation. Till 2002 a number of people have benefited and reached in a very high level. However, the PFDJ’S elite and their handful supporters had hidden agenda for which no single Eritrean has expected. That is the demolishing of our sole Uni. It is like making someone blind.
Looking back in their past history, even when they were in the field before independence they had a great deal of hatred in an educated person. They were torturing and killing a number of well-known intellectuals. There is a recent history also about the torturing of the University of Asmara students when they refuse to work in the summer campaign. There were students who even lost their lives. Although the practical demolishing of the UOA seems to have started on the year 2003 when it had stopped receiving fresh students, it had been planned long time ago. Surprisingly, no one could answer the questions why, what happen and what other alternative do we have in making the Eritrean people blind.
The Head of the state is a symbolic chancellor of the University. However, he has only visited the university once. Even the then president of the university (Dr. Woldeab) said during his visit to the UOA “Hope this will not be your first and last visit”. At the time of his visit he said the contribution of the UOA is under question mark? He meant that the University has done nothing. This has reminded me that when the President of the country visited students in South Africa he said “Globalization is equalization” so the country can get any expert from India or Pakistan . We don’t care about your education whether you come home or not. Instead he was supposed to motivate and praise the achievement made by the students. This is in line with their principle and hatred on intellectual that has started long before independence.
Now last August all the academic staff members of the University have been told that there is the so called restructuring of the University and they went on to say that they have established different colleges in different Zoba’s (regions). A number of questions was raised during the meeting with the Ministry of Education but none has been answered to date rather on mid October all the academic staff have received a letter that tells the place of work and are told that they need to report to the Mai-Nefhi College Colonel. Had the aim was the true establishment of the colleges that would have been nice if it was done with the consultation of the academic staff but none had any idea on that? But the following question should be answered. Is it a must to destroy the UOA in order to establish the colleges? Any person can answer the question.
Surprisingly no research or preparation has been made to establish the colleges. Now we know that there are 6 colleges but none is existent. For example, let’s consider College of Business and Economics that was supposed to be stationed at Massawa as per their order. However, till now even the building is not yet built. So you can imagine how messy the ambition is. Let us see also the existing 3 years old Eritrean Institute of Science and Technology ( Mai-Nefhi College ) it is a military training camp rather than a college. A friend of mine went to the so-called Mail Nefhi College (M-College) and he could not explain to me how sorry he was. The college is led by a Colonel who haven’t been to any college before. The students are in their military grouping and are guarded by military personnel. It is really a pity! Have any one ever seen or heard any college that has such a thing. I don’t think so! In short it is a military camp like that of Sawa.
The other funny thing that I want to tell is about the available departments at M-College. There is Aerospace engineering- very ambitious and has no practical advantage in Eritrea . The UOA with an experience of 50 years had no such departments.
These are some of the things that are happening by the current regime God willing I will write more next time. May God bring peace, stability and progress to our nation, death and failure for the regime?
Wedi Alla Kab Asmera.
Thank you.
Wednesday, October 10, 2007
ISAIAS AFERWERKI - FROM STATESMAN TO DESPOT AND WRECKER
Recollections - A Historical Puzzle
by Paul B. Henze
Foreword: I returned to Asmara from service as an Observer in the Eritrean Referendum at Om Hager the evening of 26 April 1993. The next morning I had a breakfast time telephone call from Hagos Gebre Hiwot in Provisional President Isaias Aferwerki's office--Isaias wished to talk to me. Could I come to see him at 10 o'clock that morning? Of course. A car was at the Ambasoira Hotel at 5 to 10. I spent the next hour and a half in Isaias's office with him. The only others at this session were Hagos Gebre Hiwot and a note-taker named Tewolde.
I made a full record of this conversation immediately afterward, for I was impressed by the good sense of what Isaias had said and felt that the conversation was historic. Indeed it was! But what a contrast with his behavior from 1997 onward and with what he has been saying recently! My record of this conversation follows:
Isaias welcomed me, saying that he felt it was important to talk to me because my judgments and advice would be important for the future of the whole region. He asked about my impressions of the way the referendum had gone in Om Hager and elsewhere in the west. I said I had been pleasantly surprised to find so little evidence of Christian-Muslim strain and so little reason to believe that Eritreans returning from Sudan were bringing religious extremism along with them. Contrary to what I had been hearing from others about Isaias's current concerns, he expressed very confident views on religion.
"The NIF in Sudan has tried to recruit a few Eritreans to spread its line here," he said, "but they have had very little success. The extremists who have come back can be counted in tens only--when they come back here, they discover that Eritrean priorities are most important."
Isaias favors free movement across the border and believes that all the refugees who want to return can be accommodated as economic development accelerates. I expressed confidence that Eritreans will see their interest in maximum development of the country--both economically and politically--and not in being easily drawn into political or religious adventurism. I said the outcome of the referendum confirmed me in this feeling. He agreed.
The conversation turned quickly to discussion of ethnicity, political parties, democratization, and Ethiopia. Isaias remains deeply disturbed by the course political development in Ethiopia is taking. He believes the EPRDF must moderate its preoccupation with ethnic structuralism and ethnic politics. He spoke quite disdainfully of last year's rush to elections, naively assuming that they would win Western approval. He characterized parties based on ethnic groups as harmful to democracy. He made it clear that he wants to require political parties in Eritrea to have political programs that reflect various views of national interests. Religion and ethnicity are out as a basis for political organization:
"People have to be prepared for voting. We have not had elections in two of our regions--Asmara and Dancalia--because they are not yet prepared for them. We want to build political participation from the ground up. We are working on a party law that will be part of our constitution."
I said I thought it important that the constitutional process not be hurried and mentioned the need for Ethiopia to go slowly in this respect. I told him I had already urged Meles to avoid a rigid timetable on the constitutional processes and to be ready to modify the ethnic principle in administration. Looking backward Isaias said the EPRDF had miscalculated on the importance of the OLF:
"It is clear that the OLF lacked first-class leadership and strong support among the people."
Isaias sees Ethiopia's domestic political and economic problems as well as its international situation as quite parallel to those of Eritrea. He expressed concern that the U.S. is pulling out of Somalia too fast. I said that continued large-scale involvement in Somalia would leave no American resources for African countries that were trying to make something of themselves. He said he considered it important for Ethiopia to be involved in Somalia: "Perhaps Ethiopia could push the Somalis into creating some kind of order." I noted that at least one problem seemed now to be settled--Somali irredentism is no longer a worry for anyone in the Horn. Somalis in Ethiopia are happy to be there and insulated from the troubles across the border. Isaias concluded by saying he hoped the United States would continue to be involved in Somalia.
Isaias was interesting on Afars:
"It was wise of the Ethiopians to have made Habib Ali Mirah head of the Afar region because "the fellow is a moderate who understands where the best interests of the Afars lie--while Ali Mirah himself is a confused man who still has visions of himself as a grand sultan to whom all Afars owe allegiance. The Afars who are happiest today are those in Dancalia--for their interests and those of Eritrea coincide."
Isaias described the Afar problem as the result of Mengistu's arming of the Afars who then fled into Djibouti territory and stirred up trouble there:
"The French could have asserted more authority and prevented this. The Afars are at best only 40% of the population of Djibouti and are less developed than the Issas in every respect. They cannot gain dominance. But they have little respect for life, They are a wild people and can be led into fanaticism that serves no one's interests. Our problem is to draw them into development and this will take time. It is an advantage that Habib was educated at the University of Asmara and understands Eritrea."
Isaias considers Yemen an integral part of the Horn. He believes the Saudis treated the Yemenis badly. He is encouraging maximum trade with Yemen in both directions and is confident that over time the Yemenis will make a success of their unified country. Saudi Arabia, on the other hand, he considers a time bomb:
"It is an explosion waiting to happen. Money cannot buy stability. No country can develop on the basis of foreign labor that has no stake in the country's development. We will not let the Saudis play with us--we insist on following our own interests. They must learn to live with that."
He spoke very positively of Israel:
"Israel has a great deal to offer us and is being very helpful. We are not going to let anyone tell us we cannot manage our relations with Israel as we wish."
We came back to discussion of ethnicity and politics two or three times--both in respect to Ethiopia and in respect to developments in Eritrea. Isaias cited the American approach to ethnicity as the kind of model he wants to follow:
"People should be free to express their unique interests in ways that do not undermine the national interest and national development goals. Most Eritrean Muslims are Khatmia--they are naturally moderate and sensible. Neither ethnicity nor religion are priorities with them. They want peace and a better life and the task of the independent government we are now creating is to gain those objectives for the Eritrean people."
Isaias is eager for foreign investment, especially from the United States. He wants rapid reconstruction of highways and irrigation facilities. He expected that the World Bank will be giving Eritrea generous support for road development.
I gave Isaias impressions of my recent visits to the ex-Soviet Union. He listened with attention.
Near the end of the meeting I mentioned our stop yesterday in Semenawi Bahri [an escarpment region below Adi Teklesan], and how thrilled I was at the beauty of the region. Isaias smiled and said: "We are going to turn it into a national park and develop it for tourism."
All in all, I had the impression that Isaias had given considerable thought to what he wanted to say to me. His statements about Eritrea's position and present state of development were very thoughtfully formulated. He repeated several times how important it was for Eritrea to have a constructive relationship with the U.S. I said I knew many American institutions were eager to undertake programs to help Eritrea and cited proposals the University of Oklahoma people have recently mentioned to me. Isaias didn't know that this university had a long history of good work in Ethiopia. He glowed when I said I considered it important for him to come to the States later this year. I said that Meles Zenawi would also be coming.
There were a couple of times when Isaias impressed me as tired, but on the whole he displayed considerable energy and sparkle, laughed several times, was delighted to have our picture taken together "so that you can prove to people in the States that I am neither dead nor disabled." He was dressed very casually--light shirt and sweater, sandals. Hagos had on blue jeans and a nylon jacket. There is still very little formality about the Eritrean government. Tewolde took meticulous notes during the entire conversation and commented to me as we went out to the car that he had enjoyed the discussion of issues very much.
Afterword: Reading my record of this meeting more than 14 years later. I find it hard to understand why this man proceeded to fan tensions with Sudan, Yemen and Djibouti during the years 1994-1197 and then finally to invade Ethiopia in 1998. Since Ethiopia defeated his armies in 2000 he has pursued a program of implacable hostility. Instead of welcoming aid for developing Eritrea, he has harassed and finally forbidden most international agencies and private organizations from operating in Eritrea. He has stubbornly persisted in attempts to undermine Ethiopia by offering support to dissidents and hostile movements, including the Oromo movements he denounced to me in 1993. He is aiding and abetting terrorists and supporting Islamic extremists. Since Ethiopia intervened in Somalia in December 2006, he has done everything Eritrea's meager resources enable him to do to encourage disorder in Somalia and resistance to African Union and international efforts to stabilize the country. His invective against the United States now knows no bounds.
Ethiopians speculated in the late 1990s that the attack of cerebral malaria which almost killed Isaias in 1996 twisted his mind. The only other--and more rational--explanation for his behavior during the past ten years is that internal resistance in Eritrea proved so difficult for him to manage that he reverted to authoritarian methods in which he had been indoctrinated when he became a dedicated Marxist in the early 1980s to intimidate Eritrea's population into submission. This has led him to imprison a large proportion of his former colleagues, reject the constitution that Bereket Habte Selassie laboriously crafted in the mid-1990s, and abandon even the pretense of creating a democratic political system and open society.
Can such an approach ensure his continuation in power? Can despotism lay the basis for a genuinely independent Eritrea? It seems doubtful.
by Paul B. Henze
Foreword: I returned to Asmara from service as an Observer in the Eritrean Referendum at Om Hager the evening of 26 April 1993. The next morning I had a breakfast time telephone call from Hagos Gebre Hiwot in Provisional President Isaias Aferwerki's office--Isaias wished to talk to me. Could I come to see him at 10 o'clock that morning? Of course. A car was at the Ambasoira Hotel at 5 to 10. I spent the next hour and a half in Isaias's office with him. The only others at this session were Hagos Gebre Hiwot and a note-taker named Tewolde.
I made a full record of this conversation immediately afterward, for I was impressed by the good sense of what Isaias had said and felt that the conversation was historic. Indeed it was! But what a contrast with his behavior from 1997 onward and with what he has been saying recently! My record of this conversation follows:
Isaias welcomed me, saying that he felt it was important to talk to me because my judgments and advice would be important for the future of the whole region. He asked about my impressions of the way the referendum had gone in Om Hager and elsewhere in the west. I said I had been pleasantly surprised to find so little evidence of Christian-Muslim strain and so little reason to believe that Eritreans returning from Sudan were bringing religious extremism along with them. Contrary to what I had been hearing from others about Isaias's current concerns, he expressed very confident views on religion.
"The NIF in Sudan has tried to recruit a few Eritreans to spread its line here," he said, "but they have had very little success. The extremists who have come back can be counted in tens only--when they come back here, they discover that Eritrean priorities are most important."
Isaias favors free movement across the border and believes that all the refugees who want to return can be accommodated as economic development accelerates. I expressed confidence that Eritreans will see their interest in maximum development of the country--both economically and politically--and not in being easily drawn into political or religious adventurism. I said the outcome of the referendum confirmed me in this feeling. He agreed.
The conversation turned quickly to discussion of ethnicity, political parties, democratization, and Ethiopia. Isaias remains deeply disturbed by the course political development in Ethiopia is taking. He believes the EPRDF must moderate its preoccupation with ethnic structuralism and ethnic politics. He spoke quite disdainfully of last year's rush to elections, naively assuming that they would win Western approval. He characterized parties based on ethnic groups as harmful to democracy. He made it clear that he wants to require political parties in Eritrea to have political programs that reflect various views of national interests. Religion and ethnicity are out as a basis for political organization:
"People have to be prepared for voting. We have not had elections in two of our regions--Asmara and Dancalia--because they are not yet prepared for them. We want to build political participation from the ground up. We are working on a party law that will be part of our constitution."
I said I thought it important that the constitutional process not be hurried and mentioned the need for Ethiopia to go slowly in this respect. I told him I had already urged Meles to avoid a rigid timetable on the constitutional processes and to be ready to modify the ethnic principle in administration. Looking backward Isaias said the EPRDF had miscalculated on the importance of the OLF:
"It is clear that the OLF lacked first-class leadership and strong support among the people."
Isaias sees Ethiopia's domestic political and economic problems as well as its international situation as quite parallel to those of Eritrea. He expressed concern that the U.S. is pulling out of Somalia too fast. I said that continued large-scale involvement in Somalia would leave no American resources for African countries that were trying to make something of themselves. He said he considered it important for Ethiopia to be involved in Somalia: "Perhaps Ethiopia could push the Somalis into creating some kind of order." I noted that at least one problem seemed now to be settled--Somali irredentism is no longer a worry for anyone in the Horn. Somalis in Ethiopia are happy to be there and insulated from the troubles across the border. Isaias concluded by saying he hoped the United States would continue to be involved in Somalia.
Isaias was interesting on Afars:
"It was wise of the Ethiopians to have made Habib Ali Mirah head of the Afar region because "the fellow is a moderate who understands where the best interests of the Afars lie--while Ali Mirah himself is a confused man who still has visions of himself as a grand sultan to whom all Afars owe allegiance. The Afars who are happiest today are those in Dancalia--for their interests and those of Eritrea coincide."
Isaias described the Afar problem as the result of Mengistu's arming of the Afars who then fled into Djibouti territory and stirred up trouble there:
"The French could have asserted more authority and prevented this. The Afars are at best only 40% of the population of Djibouti and are less developed than the Issas in every respect. They cannot gain dominance. But they have little respect for life, They are a wild people and can be led into fanaticism that serves no one's interests. Our problem is to draw them into development and this will take time. It is an advantage that Habib was educated at the University of Asmara and understands Eritrea."
Isaias considers Yemen an integral part of the Horn. He believes the Saudis treated the Yemenis badly. He is encouraging maximum trade with Yemen in both directions and is confident that over time the Yemenis will make a success of their unified country. Saudi Arabia, on the other hand, he considers a time bomb:
"It is an explosion waiting to happen. Money cannot buy stability. No country can develop on the basis of foreign labor that has no stake in the country's development. We will not let the Saudis play with us--we insist on following our own interests. They must learn to live with that."
He spoke very positively of Israel:
"Israel has a great deal to offer us and is being very helpful. We are not going to let anyone tell us we cannot manage our relations with Israel as we wish."
We came back to discussion of ethnicity and politics two or three times--both in respect to Ethiopia and in respect to developments in Eritrea. Isaias cited the American approach to ethnicity as the kind of model he wants to follow:
"People should be free to express their unique interests in ways that do not undermine the national interest and national development goals. Most Eritrean Muslims are Khatmia--they are naturally moderate and sensible. Neither ethnicity nor religion are priorities with them. They want peace and a better life and the task of the independent government we are now creating is to gain those objectives for the Eritrean people."
Isaias is eager for foreign investment, especially from the United States. He wants rapid reconstruction of highways and irrigation facilities. He expected that the World Bank will be giving Eritrea generous support for road development.
I gave Isaias impressions of my recent visits to the ex-Soviet Union. He listened with attention.
Near the end of the meeting I mentioned our stop yesterday in Semenawi Bahri [an escarpment region below Adi Teklesan], and how thrilled I was at the beauty of the region. Isaias smiled and said: "We are going to turn it into a national park and develop it for tourism."
All in all, I had the impression that Isaias had given considerable thought to what he wanted to say to me. His statements about Eritrea's position and present state of development were very thoughtfully formulated. He repeated several times how important it was for Eritrea to have a constructive relationship with the U.S. I said I knew many American institutions were eager to undertake programs to help Eritrea and cited proposals the University of Oklahoma people have recently mentioned to me. Isaias didn't know that this university had a long history of good work in Ethiopia. He glowed when I said I considered it important for him to come to the States later this year. I said that Meles Zenawi would also be coming.
There were a couple of times when Isaias impressed me as tired, but on the whole he displayed considerable energy and sparkle, laughed several times, was delighted to have our picture taken together "so that you can prove to people in the States that I am neither dead nor disabled." He was dressed very casually--light shirt and sweater, sandals. Hagos had on blue jeans and a nylon jacket. There is still very little formality about the Eritrean government. Tewolde took meticulous notes during the entire conversation and commented to me as we went out to the car that he had enjoyed the discussion of issues very much.
Afterword: Reading my record of this meeting more than 14 years later. I find it hard to understand why this man proceeded to fan tensions with Sudan, Yemen and Djibouti during the years 1994-1197 and then finally to invade Ethiopia in 1998. Since Ethiopia defeated his armies in 2000 he has pursued a program of implacable hostility. Instead of welcoming aid for developing Eritrea, he has harassed and finally forbidden most international agencies and private organizations from operating in Eritrea. He has stubbornly persisted in attempts to undermine Ethiopia by offering support to dissidents and hostile movements, including the Oromo movements he denounced to me in 1993. He is aiding and abetting terrorists and supporting Islamic extremists. Since Ethiopia intervened in Somalia in December 2006, he has done everything Eritrea's meager resources enable him to do to encourage disorder in Somalia and resistance to African Union and international efforts to stabilize the country. His invective against the United States now knows no bounds.
Ethiopians speculated in the late 1990s that the attack of cerebral malaria which almost killed Isaias in 1996 twisted his mind. The only other--and more rational--explanation for his behavior during the past ten years is that internal resistance in Eritrea proved so difficult for him to manage that he reverted to authoritarian methods in which he had been indoctrinated when he became a dedicated Marxist in the early 1980s to intimidate Eritrea's population into submission. This has led him to imprison a large proportion of his former colleagues, reject the constitution that Bereket Habte Selassie laboriously crafted in the mid-1990s, and abandon even the pretense of creating a democratic political system and open society.
Can such an approach ensure his continuation in power? Can despotism lay the basis for a genuinely independent Eritrea? It seems doubtful.
Monday, October 08, 2007
THE ORWELIAN WORLD OF ERITREAN POLITICS
"Nothing big is accomplished with out zeal and passion…” Ralph Waldo Emerson
“Foolishness is the greatest of all human follies …” Lao Tze
Mikias Mihretab Yohannes
In our everyday life, we are affected by politics of the land and the world more than any thing else. Though it seems undemanding and no big deal, there is no way of avoiding politics and its intricacies, successfully .As the Ethiopian prime Minster Meles Zenawi said once….. Even the mere statement” I don’t like politics is politics by itself!” Yes, from paying taxes to laws and regulations regarding land and housing and business transaction, to buying our daily bread, almost every thing is politics or has something to do with it. As one prominent politician wrote once “our every day life and existence is wrapped up in politics"
All of us are participants of politics of our land either willingly or not. Though the degree of participation and activity differs from nation to nation, every one of us is a player in the never-ending theatre of politics. Political life and the role of its actors in a society differ significantly from country to country though this gap is narrowing by the day.
There are certain common or defining feature and elements in politics among normal political entities or systems. All over the world citizens have some kind of participation or say in their government’s politics and affair of state. In a number of nations, the political freedom of their subjects and even resident aliens is at its best. In other unfortunate ones subjects are mere followers of the political whims and dreams of their officials and those in power. The right to vote, to freely assemble, to express views with out reprisal, and to get full legal protection is enshrined in many countries constitution and laws. These and other rights are the sign of a healthy political life and structure. A nation can be under absolute monarchy like say Morocco but its citizens can still enjoy some of the amenities of a normal political life. A regime also can have the phrase” democratic republic" In its designation in countries like North Korea (officially DEMOCRATIC PEOPLES REPUBLIC OF KOREA D.P.R.K),but with no political and economic and other rights to its citizens what so ever. As of today such totalitarian nations are vanishing from the face of the earth rapidly. Hope fully there will be none some times soon in the near future.
The Eastern African nation of Eritrea is under a unique Orwellian style of political system for quite a while now. Under the leadership of Mr. Issias Afewerki, Eritrean politics is a class by itself with few comparisons, if any. It is hard and will be inaccurate to precisely define or describe the existing Eritrean political system and life. Just like the weather of the day, Eritrean politics fluctuates unpredictably and erratically. But it can be judged and analyzed from the disastrous impact it had on its people both inside and outside of Eritrea, neighboring countries and to lesser extent the world at large. In the past 15 or so years, a lot has happened in Eritrean politics, most of it of course with tragic consequences. In those seemingly few 15 years of existence, Eritrea and its politics has fallen so low so fast and with no end in sight. The Orwellian politics of Eritrea is unmatched by any other country in Africa or any where else for that matter. From hosting the then US secretary of defense Donald Rumsfeld and other top US military and intelligence officials, to giving venue and military aid to Somali anti US insurgents, Eritrea's political circus is an amazing act of self destruction. With in very short period of time, the country Eritrea, which was one of the only two or three nations who support US invasion of Iraq, is now on the waiting list of "nations who sponsor state terrorism”. In the bizarre and strange Eritrean political arena, there is no rule to follow or standard game to play. One plus one can be two or three or thirty three or three thousand it depends on the weather and sanity of the leader. In the Orwellian republic of Eritrea, just asking for a meeting with the leadership can mean death or indefinite imprisonment. In he most nightmarish political landscape of Eritrea, one can rot" in jail with or with out a crime. Trying to escape to a better life to other countries can mean jail or death by firing squad in Haddas Eritrea (new Eritrea).
Even George Orwell will have a hard time envisaging such barbaric political system. There are also some funny moments in the otherwise horrific Eritrean politics. A few years ago the PFDJ, cultural department banned all Amharic music in public places. it was reported by the BBC and other news outlets. Then few years later, the famous Amharic" singer Solomon Tekalegn was seen singing and dancing (in Amharic of course!) to a crowd of in Eritreans at Asmara expo hall. A friend of mine, who was there, describes how out of shape PFDJ officials were dancing to the tune of Solomon’s "ERE GOBEZ ERE GOBEZ...." and other Amharic nationalist songs. Imagine Yemane Gebreab doing the Amharic "ESKISTA" or General Wuchu dancing in MENZIGNA????(He might have to learn now how to dance in Somali or Sri-Lankan as well)
In the brutal landscape of Eritrea there is no room for dialogue, tolerance, patience or wisdom. All these are considered as signs of weakness and feminine behavior. Just like in the jungle, you either eat or kill or you will be devoured and be eaten by other wolves. So far the most successful beast of all has killed and ate almost any one who stands in front of him. The merciless hunting, killing and destroying of victims is going on unabated.
In the sadistic political administration of Eritrea ,there is nothing like clemency ,pardon, reduced sentence, mercy, parole etc. These are totally alien words in Eritrean political dictionary! Once you are shipped to on e of the several Gulags
(Soviet style prisons) all over the country, there is no guarantee that you will be back safely There is high probability that you will never see your day in court. Tens of thousands of Eritreans including the writer of this article have been victims of such callousness and inhumanity. Many are languishing under terrible conditions till this day. To come to my point, even the most brutal dictatorial regimes have displayed some grain of humanity from time to time. From Saddam Hussein to Papa Doc Duvalier of Haiti, Mengistu to Mao to the current Burmese dictatorship, they demonstrate a certain degree of humanity albeit occasionally. Prisoners are released or get pardon or their terms slashed on the eve of national day or some other local holiday. Scores of political and other inmates are released or their term reduced, marking like the birth day of the tyrant of the day or on some other special day of the land. In one of his last act as head of state, Saddam Hussein Al Tikrti of Iraq released almost all Iraqi political and other prisoners. In Mengistu;s Stalinist Ethiopia, some political and other prisoners(including several Eritreans) were being freed on the day of revolution day or some other days like the tenth anniversary of the Ethiopian revolution in 1985 or under some other circumstances. In many Muslim and Arab countries thousands of prisoners are expected to be freed or their term reduced marking the holy month of Ramadan and the Eid. Libyan strong man Muammar Gadafi is known to raze prisons to the ground by bulldozer from time to time, when he is feeling good. Prisoners all over the world have thousands of ways of being at liberty even with out completing their sentences
There is nothing like that in hellish Eritrea under Issias and his henchmen .There is no annual pardon, amnesty, parole or even appeal in Eritrea Africa’s Singapore (remember?). Many families (some of whom I know personally) of jailed Eritreans, were expecting the release of their loved ones during the eve of the tenth anniversary of Independence Day celebrations. Rumor was rife in Asmara and other cities and towns that some political prisoners will be released marking the 10th anniversary of independence day in 2001 or 2003.I personally know a Muslim family in Asmara whose father was arrested and disappeared since 1994.The wife of the person really believed in the rumors and thought her husband is going to come home after all these years,. A high ranking official and relative of the family told the lady that her husband might be among those who will be freed during the 10th Independence Day anniversaries. The family were jubilant and in high spirit expecting their dear father to be with them. I, as a friend of the family was part of this festive mood in the household though deep inside me I was in doubt that any good thing will come from the God less Shabias .10th anniversary and other anniversaries pass but nothing happened. Let alone massive pardon or amnesty, not a single detainee was released .Not a sole Eritrean was able to join his family on this and other supposedly happy days of the people. Just imagine the pain and anguish of the family. Think of the crushed spirit of the family and other countless Eritrean families! Yes tyranny and fascism has reached an unprecedented level of cruelty in Issias's Eritrea. The Orwellian life of Eritreans is full of such heart breaking tales. In this time of freedom and liberty all over the world, in this age of elections and ballot boxes, where people are liberated and express their will, Eritreans of all sorts are languishing in under ground dungeons and torture chambers all over the land. Journalists, followers of different religions, prominent businessmen, every day people, and young people some of them as young as 14 or 15 are rotting in Issias' Afewerki’s s penal complexes.
The sad irony is that many Eritreans (both inside and outside) are becoming desensitized about this human horror story. So much brutality for so long have changed many Eritreans in to docile sheep like opportunistic creatures. A lot of Eritreans, even those outside of Eritrea are highly traumatized by what is taking place in their homeland. You can see it from their face and feel the despair despite their ardent effort to hide it (typical unhealthy Eritrean trait).
The news from home stating that some body is arrested or some one has disappeared or some people have fled is falling in to deaf ears in many instances .Arrest, roundup, illegal seizure, beating, endless servitude, rape, and all kinds of abuse are becoming everyday Eritrean staples under the terrorist regime of Issias Afewerki .In the many public gathering and meeting of Eritreans here in the united states the talk is full of "KUSTO ,TEASIRU,KUSTO DEHAYU YELEN, BEALL EGELE HADIMOM....(meaning =some one has been arrested, there is no news of some body, or some people have fled..)
In the unforgiving political terrain of Eritrea, no one forgives no body and there is no room for compromise or dialogue .In-fact compromise and the word” I am sorry or I apologize" are on the verge of extinction all together. Some countries risk the loss and extinction of their fauna or flora, Eritrea and Eritreans are losing their God given decency and normality. The brutal Orwellian political system and life inside Eritrea is affecting almost all Eritrean religious, social, economic and civic life affair as well. Though the PFDJ clique is a class by itself in this destructive behavior, unfortunately it has many followers all over the world. Eritreans have a hard time working together or reaching a consensus regarding many issues. Several Eritreans couldn’t even work together for short period of time. There is a huge degree of mistrust and hatred among Eritrean groups and different personality’s .Anger, rage, chaos, bewilderment and unbelievable ignorance is in the air. This is a sad but true state of Eritrea and Eritreans now days all over the world. Various Eritreans (both as a group and individual) are having a hard time concentrating on issues and seeing clearly the obstacles and the solutions to problems. The democratic opposition to the Asmara regime, though it has a lot of decent honorable people, its existence is in precarious situation, let alone facing and challenging the tyrannical regime in Eritrea. As of this writing, not a single Eritrean village or town is under the opposition’s control. The resistance seems waiting for a miracle to happen. This kind of insane politics is unheard of in Africa or in any other third world countries with similar background.
Now a days many Eritreans join the opposition parties or groups just for "WEREQET"(to get asylum support letter for their petition in the immigration offices).Ask any young Eritrean why he/she joins such and such movement .They will tell you on your face just NWEREQET( For asylum support letter).After they get their "WEREQET' and approval of asylum by the host government ,many will not even remember the name of the group or party they first join in. This is the factual reality of politics, Eritrean style. Many disappointed Eritreans have resolved to their fate under such circumstances. Some opt to lick the boots of the butchers of Eritrea, just to go home, buy some land or sleep with some poor girls over there. Some have decided not to have anything with Eritrean politics what so ever. Still some more resort to alcohol and stuff and lead a very uneventful dull life. The only commonality to many Eritreans all over is the never changing love of dance and the GUWYLA. The sadistic regime in Asmara has a password for this malaise and utter weakness of Eritreans and keeps on churning and sending different musicians and singers year after year Festival after festival. It is common and even expected practice ,to attend a political meeting for one hour or so and then dance "gwayla" for two three hours after that .Eritrean dance regarding almost any occasion. They dance and dance and dance more any time of the year. Eritrteans, specially the highlanders(the majority of muslim Eritreans are free of such idolatry and madness) have an amazing and yet scarry obsession in the verge of idolatry with dancing! While the nation is burning and dying and crying for help, Eritreans keep on dancing and this foolishness is shared equally between the PFDJ worshippers and the opposition groups. I remember attending an opposition sponsored meeting some time ago. The meeting was about the overall sad situation in Eritrea and its impact on its people. Speaker after speaker were addressing the hellish life inside Eritrea and how the international community was quiet and not taking actions. A very somber meeting full of tragic stories and events from home. I was one of among the many sad and depressed faces in the hall. The meeting ended by passing resolutions and communiqués. Then an announcer told that after the meeting there is going to be...........(you guessed it) G.W.A.Y.L A and TSEWETA(dancing)!!!!
The somber and gloomy faces of quite some time ago were jumping and howling like the zebras and impalas of the SERENGETI! Some were jumping high, others were bending their back like plastic others were moving their neck left and right fast like a table tennis player .still others were circling and circling and keep on circling in the endless circle dance of the Tigrinya speakers. I ask my self” what is there to celebrate and dance for?" "What kind of stupidity is this" Does God has created other foolish people too?" Is it not a time of prayer, solitude and deep sadness on what is taking place in our land?. To be honest there is nothing: normal" among today’s Eritrea and Eritreans. Every thing is full of Orwellian tragic tales and plain insanity. Deceit, betrayal, cruelty, opportunistic behavior, malice, ignorant racism and foolishness are becoming the defining trade marks of Eritreans .And this is very good news indeed to the PFDJ regime. The over all political, social and civic status is unhealthy and unacceptable. It needs massive overhaul and great correction. Doing something over and over again and expecting different result is insanity as many wise men have said it before. But this sign of insanity is not exclusively for PFDJ and its leaders only .All of us are at high risk of participating and contributing to this lunacy roulette and act of ruin .Whether we like it or not a chronic political illness, confusion, chaos and identity crisis is lurking in to Eritrean psyche at high speed. The famous Eritrean spirit known for its tenacity and resolve is being replaced by unstable minds, crushed spirits and racist attitudes. One of the lasting legacies of the Orwellian government of Mr. Issias Afewerki is the systematic, secretive, deliberate and brutally efficient mutilation of the Eritrean spirit and psyche. Look at the photos of our grand fathers and fathers and see how they shine and glow even from the old pictures. Men of honor, reputation, truth and faith they live and died with dignity. Look at the current PFDJ virus infected generation: disheveled, broken, full of lie and betrayal, no faith or fear of God what so ever, full of fear and terror, living like a rabbit and dying like a rat! Yes, this is painful and heart breaking to many Eritreans, but that is the factual state of affair of our life.
In the final analysis, the question is there a hope? Is there a chance, even a slim one, of returning to normalcy? This is a million dollar question with no easy answer. As almost any thing in this earth, one couldn’t be totally pessimistic and hopeless .There are a lot of instances in history where seemingly doomed to failure causes turn around for the better. There are also countless situations where things might deteriorate even further. Some brutally terrorized societies have bounced back and are leading normal life. Others are unlucky and are descending further and deeper to mayhem and pandemonium. To know which societies have rebounded back and which are still living in terror and darkness and are spiraling downwards is not as difficult as a rocket science. Any one who listens and follow the news will have a clear picture of what I am saying about. Let’s work, hope and pray incessantly that we will be counted among the fortunate few.
“Foolishness is the greatest of all human follies …” Lao Tze
Mikias Mihretab Yohannes
In our everyday life, we are affected by politics of the land and the world more than any thing else. Though it seems undemanding and no big deal, there is no way of avoiding politics and its intricacies, successfully .As the Ethiopian prime Minster Meles Zenawi said once….. Even the mere statement” I don’t like politics is politics by itself!” Yes, from paying taxes to laws and regulations regarding land and housing and business transaction, to buying our daily bread, almost every thing is politics or has something to do with it. As one prominent politician wrote once “our every day life and existence is wrapped up in politics"
All of us are participants of politics of our land either willingly or not. Though the degree of participation and activity differs from nation to nation, every one of us is a player in the never-ending theatre of politics. Political life and the role of its actors in a society differ significantly from country to country though this gap is narrowing by the day.
There are certain common or defining feature and elements in politics among normal political entities or systems. All over the world citizens have some kind of participation or say in their government’s politics and affair of state. In a number of nations, the political freedom of their subjects and even resident aliens is at its best. In other unfortunate ones subjects are mere followers of the political whims and dreams of their officials and those in power. The right to vote, to freely assemble, to express views with out reprisal, and to get full legal protection is enshrined in many countries constitution and laws. These and other rights are the sign of a healthy political life and structure. A nation can be under absolute monarchy like say Morocco but its citizens can still enjoy some of the amenities of a normal political life. A regime also can have the phrase” democratic republic" In its designation in countries like North Korea (officially DEMOCRATIC PEOPLES REPUBLIC OF KOREA D.P.R.K),but with no political and economic and other rights to its citizens what so ever. As of today such totalitarian nations are vanishing from the face of the earth rapidly. Hope fully there will be none some times soon in the near future.
The Eastern African nation of Eritrea is under a unique Orwellian style of political system for quite a while now. Under the leadership of Mr. Issias Afewerki, Eritrean politics is a class by itself with few comparisons, if any. It is hard and will be inaccurate to precisely define or describe the existing Eritrean political system and life. Just like the weather of the day, Eritrean politics fluctuates unpredictably and erratically. But it can be judged and analyzed from the disastrous impact it had on its people both inside and outside of Eritrea, neighboring countries and to lesser extent the world at large. In the past 15 or so years, a lot has happened in Eritrean politics, most of it of course with tragic consequences. In those seemingly few 15 years of existence, Eritrea and its politics has fallen so low so fast and with no end in sight. The Orwellian politics of Eritrea is unmatched by any other country in Africa or any where else for that matter. From hosting the then US secretary of defense Donald Rumsfeld and other top US military and intelligence officials, to giving venue and military aid to Somali anti US insurgents, Eritrea's political circus is an amazing act of self destruction. With in very short period of time, the country Eritrea, which was one of the only two or three nations who support US invasion of Iraq, is now on the waiting list of "nations who sponsor state terrorism”. In the bizarre and strange Eritrean political arena, there is no rule to follow or standard game to play. One plus one can be two or three or thirty three or three thousand it depends on the weather and sanity of the leader. In the Orwellian republic of Eritrea, just asking for a meeting with the leadership can mean death or indefinite imprisonment. In he most nightmarish political landscape of Eritrea, one can rot" in jail with or with out a crime. Trying to escape to a better life to other countries can mean jail or death by firing squad in Haddas Eritrea (new Eritrea).
Even George Orwell will have a hard time envisaging such barbaric political system. There are also some funny moments in the otherwise horrific Eritrean politics. A few years ago the PFDJ, cultural department banned all Amharic music in public places. it was reported by the BBC and other news outlets. Then few years later, the famous Amharic" singer Solomon Tekalegn was seen singing and dancing (in Amharic of course!) to a crowd of in Eritreans at Asmara expo hall. A friend of mine, who was there, describes how out of shape PFDJ officials were dancing to the tune of Solomon’s "ERE GOBEZ ERE GOBEZ...." and other Amharic nationalist songs. Imagine Yemane Gebreab doing the Amharic "ESKISTA" or General Wuchu dancing in MENZIGNA????(He might have to learn now how to dance in Somali or Sri-Lankan as well)
In the brutal landscape of Eritrea there is no room for dialogue, tolerance, patience or wisdom. All these are considered as signs of weakness and feminine behavior. Just like in the jungle, you either eat or kill or you will be devoured and be eaten by other wolves. So far the most successful beast of all has killed and ate almost any one who stands in front of him. The merciless hunting, killing and destroying of victims is going on unabated.
In the sadistic political administration of Eritrea ,there is nothing like clemency ,pardon, reduced sentence, mercy, parole etc. These are totally alien words in Eritrean political dictionary! Once you are shipped to on e of the several Gulags
(Soviet style prisons) all over the country, there is no guarantee that you will be back safely There is high probability that you will never see your day in court. Tens of thousands of Eritreans including the writer of this article have been victims of such callousness and inhumanity. Many are languishing under terrible conditions till this day. To come to my point, even the most brutal dictatorial regimes have displayed some grain of humanity from time to time. From Saddam Hussein to Papa Doc Duvalier of Haiti, Mengistu to Mao to the current Burmese dictatorship, they demonstrate a certain degree of humanity albeit occasionally. Prisoners are released or get pardon or their terms slashed on the eve of national day or some other local holiday. Scores of political and other inmates are released or their term reduced, marking like the birth day of the tyrant of the day or on some other special day of the land. In one of his last act as head of state, Saddam Hussein Al Tikrti of Iraq released almost all Iraqi political and other prisoners. In Mengistu;s Stalinist Ethiopia, some political and other prisoners(including several Eritreans) were being freed on the day of revolution day or some other days like the tenth anniversary of the Ethiopian revolution in 1985 or under some other circumstances. In many Muslim and Arab countries thousands of prisoners are expected to be freed or their term reduced marking the holy month of Ramadan and the Eid. Libyan strong man Muammar Gadafi is known to raze prisons to the ground by bulldozer from time to time, when he is feeling good. Prisoners all over the world have thousands of ways of being at liberty even with out completing their sentences
There is nothing like that in hellish Eritrea under Issias and his henchmen .There is no annual pardon, amnesty, parole or even appeal in Eritrea Africa’s Singapore (remember?). Many families (some of whom I know personally) of jailed Eritreans, were expecting the release of their loved ones during the eve of the tenth anniversary of Independence Day celebrations. Rumor was rife in Asmara and other cities and towns that some political prisoners will be released marking the 10th anniversary of independence day in 2001 or 2003.I personally know a Muslim family in Asmara whose father was arrested and disappeared since 1994.The wife of the person really believed in the rumors and thought her husband is going to come home after all these years,. A high ranking official and relative of the family told the lady that her husband might be among those who will be freed during the 10th Independence Day anniversaries. The family were jubilant and in high spirit expecting their dear father to be with them. I, as a friend of the family was part of this festive mood in the household though deep inside me I was in doubt that any good thing will come from the God less Shabias .10th anniversary and other anniversaries pass but nothing happened. Let alone massive pardon or amnesty, not a single detainee was released .Not a sole Eritrean was able to join his family on this and other supposedly happy days of the people. Just imagine the pain and anguish of the family. Think of the crushed spirit of the family and other countless Eritrean families! Yes tyranny and fascism has reached an unprecedented level of cruelty in Issias's Eritrea. The Orwellian life of Eritreans is full of such heart breaking tales. In this time of freedom and liberty all over the world, in this age of elections and ballot boxes, where people are liberated and express their will, Eritreans of all sorts are languishing in under ground dungeons and torture chambers all over the land. Journalists, followers of different religions, prominent businessmen, every day people, and young people some of them as young as 14 or 15 are rotting in Issias' Afewerki’s s penal complexes.
The sad irony is that many Eritreans (both inside and outside) are becoming desensitized about this human horror story. So much brutality for so long have changed many Eritreans in to docile sheep like opportunistic creatures. A lot of Eritreans, even those outside of Eritrea are highly traumatized by what is taking place in their homeland. You can see it from their face and feel the despair despite their ardent effort to hide it (typical unhealthy Eritrean trait).
The news from home stating that some body is arrested or some one has disappeared or some people have fled is falling in to deaf ears in many instances .Arrest, roundup, illegal seizure, beating, endless servitude, rape, and all kinds of abuse are becoming everyday Eritrean staples under the terrorist regime of Issias Afewerki .In the many public gathering and meeting of Eritreans here in the united states the talk is full of "KUSTO ,TEASIRU,KUSTO DEHAYU YELEN, BEALL EGELE HADIMOM....(meaning =some one has been arrested, there is no news of some body, or some people have fled..)
In the unforgiving political terrain of Eritrea, no one forgives no body and there is no room for compromise or dialogue .In-fact compromise and the word” I am sorry or I apologize" are on the verge of extinction all together. Some countries risk the loss and extinction of their fauna or flora, Eritrea and Eritreans are losing their God given decency and normality. The brutal Orwellian political system and life inside Eritrea is affecting almost all Eritrean religious, social, economic and civic life affair as well. Though the PFDJ clique is a class by itself in this destructive behavior, unfortunately it has many followers all over the world. Eritreans have a hard time working together or reaching a consensus regarding many issues. Several Eritreans couldn’t even work together for short period of time. There is a huge degree of mistrust and hatred among Eritrean groups and different personality’s .Anger, rage, chaos, bewilderment and unbelievable ignorance is in the air. This is a sad but true state of Eritrea and Eritreans now days all over the world. Various Eritreans (both as a group and individual) are having a hard time concentrating on issues and seeing clearly the obstacles and the solutions to problems. The democratic opposition to the Asmara regime, though it has a lot of decent honorable people, its existence is in precarious situation, let alone facing and challenging the tyrannical regime in Eritrea. As of this writing, not a single Eritrean village or town is under the opposition’s control. The resistance seems waiting for a miracle to happen. This kind of insane politics is unheard of in Africa or in any other third world countries with similar background.
Now a days many Eritreans join the opposition parties or groups just for "WEREQET"(to get asylum support letter for their petition in the immigration offices).Ask any young Eritrean why he/she joins such and such movement .They will tell you on your face just NWEREQET( For asylum support letter).After they get their "WEREQET' and approval of asylum by the host government ,many will not even remember the name of the group or party they first join in. This is the factual reality of politics, Eritrean style. Many disappointed Eritreans have resolved to their fate under such circumstances. Some opt to lick the boots of the butchers of Eritrea, just to go home, buy some land or sleep with some poor girls over there. Some have decided not to have anything with Eritrean politics what so ever. Still some more resort to alcohol and stuff and lead a very uneventful dull life. The only commonality to many Eritreans all over is the never changing love of dance and the GUWYLA. The sadistic regime in Asmara has a password for this malaise and utter weakness of Eritreans and keeps on churning and sending different musicians and singers year after year Festival after festival. It is common and even expected practice ,to attend a political meeting for one hour or so and then dance "gwayla" for two three hours after that .Eritrean dance regarding almost any occasion. They dance and dance and dance more any time of the year. Eritrteans, specially the highlanders(the majority of muslim Eritreans are free of such idolatry and madness) have an amazing and yet scarry obsession in the verge of idolatry with dancing! While the nation is burning and dying and crying for help, Eritreans keep on dancing and this foolishness is shared equally between the PFDJ worshippers and the opposition groups. I remember attending an opposition sponsored meeting some time ago. The meeting was about the overall sad situation in Eritrea and its impact on its people. Speaker after speaker were addressing the hellish life inside Eritrea and how the international community was quiet and not taking actions. A very somber meeting full of tragic stories and events from home. I was one of among the many sad and depressed faces in the hall. The meeting ended by passing resolutions and communiqués. Then an announcer told that after the meeting there is going to be...........(you guessed it) G.W.A.Y.L A and TSEWETA(dancing)!!!!
The somber and gloomy faces of quite some time ago were jumping and howling like the zebras and impalas of the SERENGETI! Some were jumping high, others were bending their back like plastic others were moving their neck left and right fast like a table tennis player .still others were circling and circling and keep on circling in the endless circle dance of the Tigrinya speakers. I ask my self” what is there to celebrate and dance for?" "What kind of stupidity is this" Does God has created other foolish people too?" Is it not a time of prayer, solitude and deep sadness on what is taking place in our land?. To be honest there is nothing: normal" among today’s Eritrea and Eritreans. Every thing is full of Orwellian tragic tales and plain insanity. Deceit, betrayal, cruelty, opportunistic behavior, malice, ignorant racism and foolishness are becoming the defining trade marks of Eritreans .And this is very good news indeed to the PFDJ regime. The over all political, social and civic status is unhealthy and unacceptable. It needs massive overhaul and great correction. Doing something over and over again and expecting different result is insanity as many wise men have said it before. But this sign of insanity is not exclusively for PFDJ and its leaders only .All of us are at high risk of participating and contributing to this lunacy roulette and act of ruin .Whether we like it or not a chronic political illness, confusion, chaos and identity crisis is lurking in to Eritrean psyche at high speed. The famous Eritrean spirit known for its tenacity and resolve is being replaced by unstable minds, crushed spirits and racist attitudes. One of the lasting legacies of the Orwellian government of Mr. Issias Afewerki is the systematic, secretive, deliberate and brutally efficient mutilation of the Eritrean spirit and psyche. Look at the photos of our grand fathers and fathers and see how they shine and glow even from the old pictures. Men of honor, reputation, truth and faith they live and died with dignity. Look at the current PFDJ virus infected generation: disheveled, broken, full of lie and betrayal, no faith or fear of God what so ever, full of fear and terror, living like a rabbit and dying like a rat! Yes, this is painful and heart breaking to many Eritreans, but that is the factual state of affair of our life.
In the final analysis, the question is there a hope? Is there a chance, even a slim one, of returning to normalcy? This is a million dollar question with no easy answer. As almost any thing in this earth, one couldn’t be totally pessimistic and hopeless .There are a lot of instances in history where seemingly doomed to failure causes turn around for the better. There are also countless situations where things might deteriorate even further. Some brutally terrorized societies have bounced back and are leading normal life. Others are unlucky and are descending further and deeper to mayhem and pandemonium. To know which societies have rebounded back and which are still living in terror and darkness and are spiraling downwards is not as difficult as a rocket science. Any one who listens and follow the news will have a clear picture of what I am saying about. Let’s work, hope and pray incessantly that we will be counted among the fortunate few.
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